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The DW documentary "Reclaiming History — Colonialism and the Genocide in Rwanda" is the first to examine the role played by German and Belgian colonialism in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Rwandan director Samuel Ishimwe, whose parents were murdered in the genocide, sets out in search of the origins of the "racial hatred" between Tutsi and Hutu. The 86-minute documentary will be broadcast on DW's worldwide linear program and available for streaming on DW Documentaries' YouTube channels starting April 5, 2024.
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00:00:14This is Rwanda, a Thousand Hills paradise, the country I was born in.
00:00:21Thirty years ago, when I was two years old, the genocide was committed here.
00:00:26My parents and a big part of my family were killed.
00:00:35In April 1994, the Rwanda government mobilized the Hutu population to massacre their Tutsi neighbors.
00:00:42One million people were murdered in just a hundred days.
00:00:47The Rwanda society was divided into three so-called ethnicities, Hutu, Tutsi and Tua.
00:00:57I'm on a journey to find out about the roots of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
00:01:04My name is Samuel Ishimne. I'm a filmmaker.
00:01:12Why were my parents killed? I knew they were killed by the militia, but I didn't know why.
00:01:18And as a kid, I just thought it was war.
00:01:21But when I was 13, 14, 15, I started really asking questions to my family and reading books.
00:01:27And yeah, that's how I started understanding, okay, they were killed because of their ethnicity, because they were Tutsi.
00:01:34If we speak the same language, share the same culture, same country, how did we become different?
00:01:41What was our identity before Germans and Belgians came to colonize Rwanda at the end of the 19th century?
00:01:47Who divided us into Tutsi, Hutu and Tua? Was it ourselves or was it colonialism?
00:01:55How do we get to the point where people killed their neighbors or killed their cousins or killed their wives?
00:02:01How was this hate planted?
00:02:50How was this hate planted?
00:02:53How was this hate planted for々 Has the name moved against中国?
00:02:54If left pela is the mother and her family across the world, you言aram me.
00:02:55Where did they spl heloned against her?
00:02:55Who called?
00:02:58Who because I?
00:02:59How about the killed?
00:03:25This is Beata, she was my nanny during the genocide.
00:03:30She took care of me and my younger brother, Daniel.
00:03:33She saved us.
00:03:35Elle les a trouvés avant d'arriver ici.
00:03:37Leurs parents venaient d'être assassinés, la bonne, avaient réussi à s'enfuir avec les deux petits.
00:03:44Pendant deux mois, ils ont vécu cachés dans les marais.
00:03:46Il leur fallait échapper à ceux qui traquaient les Tutsis, des adultes.
00:03:49On y a un bien.
00:03:53Il y a un qui a fait poigné la milice et qui était armée.
00:03:56Nous sommes avec mon anko, Venoust.
00:03:59Il nous a écrivait après le génocide.
00:04:02Chaque fois que nous sommes ensemble, nous discutons ce qu'on a passé.
00:04:05Et puis un jour, elle a vu un jeune homme se précipiter sur les deux enfants.
00:04:09C'était un nouveau coup.
00:04:14Ils ont décidé de rester ensemble.
00:04:18C'est parti de sous-titrage Société Radio.
00:04:48because my uncle came to me as a vampire.
00:04:54I had a good walk and ran out of music.
00:04:57And I was just shy.
00:04:58I was a little bit hungry.
00:05:00I can't get there yet.
00:05:03I thought you were still there.
00:05:05I was prepared to get the food,
00:05:08so I was trying to get there for a while.
00:05:08I was getting home and I was trying to get the food.
00:05:16Only a few meters from where my uncle lives now is the family house.
00:05:21We lived here until the genocide.
00:05:44We lived here until the village.
00:05:46I had no idea why we all lived here and there was no idea why I could live here.
00:05:54In my life I lived here and I lived here with me.
00:05:58Even now we lived here with me.
00:06:02I lived here with Vicka.
00:06:04Over to me, I was growing a side.
00:06:09Yes, yes.
00:06:12That's right.
00:06:14I'm sorry.
00:06:17You want to raise your hand?
00:06:21I'm going to raise your hand.
00:06:23I'm going to raise my hand.
00:06:25I'm going to raise my hand.
00:06:29I know you're going to raise your hand.
00:06:31In that regard that I'm a father, that my parents are sick.
00:06:39I'm very sad, and I don't think that has been a scene.
00:06:43And I'm a father, and I'm a kid I'm a child, and I'm not a child.
00:06:51I need to take care of the women.
00:06:59My parents were found here.
00:07:00Eight years later, the bodies of my parents were found here.
00:07:04They were exhumed to be buried at the Kigali Genocide Memorial.
00:07:24They were found here.
00:07:27They were found here.
00:07:29They were found here.
00:07:32They were found here.
00:07:34They were found here.
00:07:35They were found here.
00:07:37They were found here.
00:07:37They were found here.
00:07:41When we removed the bodies of my parents from here,
00:07:44and the other bodies also here,
00:07:45I was ten years old.
00:07:46It's very hard to explain to somebody who is not from Rwanda,
00:07:49because it was a very normal thing.
00:07:52It wasn't like a special thing.
00:07:54It's not like people were crying alone.
00:07:56It's part of my childhood.
00:07:58It's a very strong memory, something that marks you.
00:08:09After our parents were killed,
00:08:11my nanny Beata escaped with me and my brother.
00:08:14First, we were hidden by neighbours.
00:08:17Later on, the soldiers of the Rwanda Patriotic Front,
00:08:20who were fighting the government to stop the killings,
00:08:23evacuated us to the stadium.
00:08:25It was right next to where the UN peacekeeping mission was.
00:08:42Today, the former head of the UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda,
00:08:46during the genocide, is holding a speech at a youth festival in Kigali.
00:08:51I wanted to meet the Canadian general who could have stopped the genocide
00:08:54if the world hadn't listened to him.
00:08:58He notably served as force commander of the United Nations mission for Rwanda
00:09:04during the 1994 genocide.
00:09:07Despite the UN's withdrawal,
00:09:09he and a small contingent remained in Rwanda to protect refugees.
00:09:14Please, let's welcome to the stage, Lieutenant General, Romeo Adelaide.
00:09:26Can you tell us about your hopes for children?
00:09:29You are the potential, not only of Rwanda and Africa,
00:09:37but you are the potential of humanity to see peace forever.
00:09:43And for all of us to grow happy, serene, safe, loving.
00:09:55For we are all equal.
00:09:59None of us, not one of us, is more human than the other.
00:10:09Daler's mission was to supervise a peace treaty to end the ongoing civil war.
00:10:14In 1990, exiled Tutsi refugees had started a war
00:10:17against the Hutu regime of President Habyarimana
00:10:20after they were denied the right to return home.
00:10:23The Hutu government spread anti-Tutsi propaganda,
00:10:27calling them enemies of the country.
00:10:29Cockroaches that should be killed.
00:10:30On April 6, 1994, a plan carrying the President was shot down over Kigali.
00:10:36The next day, Hutu extremists started to kill the Tutsi,
00:10:40who were around 14% of the population.
00:10:43They also murdered Hutus who opposed the extremist ideology and the killings.
00:10:50What was your initial assessment and understanding of the conflict in Rwanda?
00:10:54I went to meet with the Inter-Ramwe, which was the militia, which were youth.
00:11:02Because most of the killing was done by young people.
00:11:05The adults, the army didn't do the killing.
00:11:08The gendarmerie didn't do much of the killing.
00:11:11They were behind it.
00:11:12But the killing was done by the youths, the Inter-Ramwe with machetes.
00:11:17They're the ones who were on all the checkpoints and so on.
00:11:19And they had been indoctrinated by the MRND and CDR parties,
00:11:28by the hardline parties, to treat the Tutsis as cockroaches.
00:11:35So one of the first things they did was turn human beings into insects.
00:11:41I said, how is it possible that you could be doing what you're doing?
00:11:44The slaughtering, the killing, they said, how can you come and accuse us?
00:11:50You white guys, you the Europeans, destroyed people and millions of Africans,
00:12:00including all the slavery that was going on.
00:12:03And you've done it for a century or two.
00:12:07So don't come and tell us, you know, that we are savages and so on,
00:12:11when you're the ones who actually initiated that type of destruction of human beings.
00:12:18In January 1994, three months before the genocide,
00:12:22Dalek was sending faxes to the UN in New York.
00:12:25He had information that the Iran government would string the militia
00:12:29to be able to kill a thousand Tutsis every 20 minutes.
00:12:32But the international community refused to take action.
00:12:38There is no negating that I left with the firm conclusion
00:12:42that all humans were not being treated equally.
00:12:48We had put 67,000 troops in Yugoslavia,
00:12:52and I couldn't ultimately even keep the 450.
00:12:56I never got all the troops I needed.
00:12:58So they simply said, well, you know, we'll see how it works out.
00:13:03And if they kill each other, well, it's really tribalism anyways,
00:13:06because it's in Africa.
00:13:07And that was a big argument they used.
00:13:10All this tribalism will last a couple of weeks
00:13:13and they'll kill a bunch of them and then we'll go in,
00:13:16we'll throw some money and then maybe things will be better.
00:13:26Personally, meeting Dalek was a surreal experience for me,
00:13:30because where his mission was, where his headquarters was,
00:13:33is actually like a 10-minute walk from where my family is.
00:13:38So it's very surreal to think that, you know,
00:13:40if maybe that was asked for in that time, you know,
00:13:46my parents would be alive or many other people would be alive,
00:13:49you know, what do you think about it, you know?
00:14:05So right now we're going to Chibira.
00:14:08This is where my father is from originally.
00:14:12So I'm going with my uncle and my aunt and I want to go with them
00:14:17to understand how they get to know about their identity.
00:14:34This is the school where my father and many of his siblings went to.
00:14:44Today, we'll turn here with my aunt Maria,
00:14:46the firstborn of my father's family,
00:14:48and the younger brother, Anko Venust.
00:14:52There were 11 siblings.
00:14:54Only three survived the genocide.
00:14:58I went to the house.
00:15:02I was the older brother,
00:15:03and the younger sister,
00:15:05and the younger brother
00:15:06I was the older sister.
00:15:10I was the older sister,
00:15:12and I was the older sister.
00:15:12But my father and daughter were never in an equal capacity.
00:15:20My mother, who was the older sister,
00:15:23and I was the older brother.
00:15:26Yes, my 출jee was הוא was born.
00:15:28I was married to an old man in my life.
00:15:32I didn't have any damnation.
00:15:34I was he the one who knew me.
00:15:38I couldn't buy it.
00:15:44I didn't have anything here.
00:15:45If I'd say to him, I'd say I could have been a little stuffed.
00:15:48He couldn't.
00:15:50I was just a kid.
00:15:51My son had to get me home and grow up a lot.
00:15:55I'd say he couldn't eat me.
00:15:56He didn't eat me and I was a good one.
00:15:56they don't have any food to eat.
00:16:00But as soon as they can get to eat,
00:16:08they don't have any food to eat.
00:16:12They don't have a food to eat.
00:16:13They're not going to eat.
00:16:14I'm not going to eat.
00:16:15I'm not going to eat.
00:16:16Then we have to talk about the food, the food place, and then we have to talk about
00:16:23food the food, and we are going to talk about food.
00:16:29We are going to talk about food and lots of food.
00:16:41We want to talk about food and food.
00:17:01My uncle, he's somebody very, very smart and always tell us, I was always first of my class and I
00:17:07couldn't get to a higher education because of the system I grew up in.
00:17:10He was denied to it because of that stupid ethnic system of the time.
00:17:34On the way to the land where my father grew up, we meet some old neighbors who still remember my
00:17:40family.
00:17:50This is my father. This is my uncle. This one, you just see how much younger he was. Among all
00:18:03the family members who are on this picture, my uncle here is the only one who is still alive.
00:18:16We go up to the land that still belongs to our family. The house was destroyed during the genocide. Nobody
00:18:23from my family lives here anymore.
00:18:28A lifetime of this country is an incredible place.
00:18:35As a tribe, he has come to us.
00:18:38He has come to us, and he has come to us.
00:18:40He has come to us, but we still have come to us.
00:18:45They have come to us.
00:18:46We can't stand here.
00:18:58Where was it?
00:18:59And I was wondering if this came out.
00:19:08What is the time?
00:19:12Oh, it's all.
00:19:14What happened?
00:19:16What did you think?
00:19:37I think in Rwanda there's a great deal of pragmatism, and it's like, okay, either I move on or either
00:19:45I die, so I choose to live.
00:19:46And I think that's what he did, he chose to live, you know.
00:19:49But it's not everyone who has that.
00:19:52I don't know if I would have had the same strength to forgive, I don't know.
00:20:01So we're going to the University of Rwanda in Huye.
00:20:06We're going to meet some historians who understand all these kind of Utu-Tutsitua identities.
00:20:11What was their definition or their perception by the Rwandese society before the arrival of colonialism?
00:20:19. .
00:20:19. . .
00:20:19. . .
00:20:21.
00:20:48The
00:20:49The terms Hutu, Tutsi, Tua already existed before colonialism.
00:20:55Around 1% of Rwandans called themselves Tua.
00:20:59The colonizers defined them as pygmies,
00:21:03natives who lived here before the Hutu and Tutsi.
00:21:21The meaning of Hutu, Tutsi, Tua in pre-Konyo Rwanda is still debated among historians.
00:21:28How do you define the ethnic term Hutu, Tutsi, Tua?
00:21:32When the colonization came here, we had about six centuries to read us as a state, as a nation.
00:21:39People were hierarchised in different categories.
00:21:43And those who were rich, at this moment, were the sauvages.
00:21:47Because the sauvages called Tutsi, the poor people, the ordinary people, the Hutu, Tutsi.
00:21:55On said that there were three ethnicities, Hutu, Tutsi, Tua.
00:21:58Can we say that these are true ethnicities?
00:22:02No. The Rwandan is the same ethnicities.
00:22:07Because of each ethnicities, we have all these conditions.
00:22:11The language, the critique, the belief.
00:22:15We have what we call the clans.
00:22:17We have a bunch of other clans here in Wanda.
00:22:19We are all in the same clans.
00:22:21The Hutu, the Tutsi, the Tutsi, we are in the same clans.
00:22:24So the clans are the same people.
00:22:29We are the same ethnicities.
00:22:30But the Europeans talked about three ethnicities.
00:22:34This is an introduction.
00:22:36When they arrived here, they found the Tutsi, the Tutsi,
00:22:40and the Hutu, they said, you are race.
00:22:44In the 19th century, European scholars divided humanity in a hierarchy of races.
00:22:49They argued that the white race was superior and the most advanced.
00:22:54And the so-called Negroid or black race was the most inferior.
00:22:58The Tutsis were classified as a race in between, the Hamites.
00:23:04Hamites were defined as closer to the white race and therefore more advanced than the Negroid race.
00:23:25The ideology of the Hamitic myth was introduced to Rwanda at the end of the 19th century by European researchers.
00:23:32They concluded that the Tutsi were the so-called Negro Hamites who had immigrated from the north and dominated the
00:23:40supposedly indigenous Hutus for hundreds of years.
00:23:43This narrative prevailed.
00:23:46They are a great race, these Hututsis.
00:23:48These athletes are 200,000 and dominent a population of 3 million of Mu'utus.
00:23:55This domination and the purity of their race remain thanks to very severe deaths.
00:24:07I'm starting to get an idea that colonialism redefined the identities of Rwandans.
00:24:13But I still want to understand what their Rwandan identity was before the arrival of colonialism.
00:24:24Nyanza, where the last royal court used to be, is now a museum.
00:24:28Walking around the replica of the king's palace, I reimagine what I heard about pre-colonial Rwanda.
00:24:35These cows are Iñambo, sacred cows, sign of prestige.
00:24:41They were not meant to be eaten or anything.
00:24:45They just know for the king to have them for prestige and for beauty and for parades.
00:24:51It's part of the pre-colonial Rwanda culture.
00:24:58In 1894, Gustav Adolf Graf von Gotsen was the first German colonialist to come to Rwanda.
00:25:04He forced his way to meet King Kigerigwa Wigili of Rwanda.
00:25:09At the time, European powers were competing to grab different parts of Africa.
00:25:13The kingdom of Rwanda was already under multiple attacks from Belgian troops.
00:25:18They wanted to annex the country to the Congo Free State, appropriated by the Belgian king.
00:25:25Later on, the king of Rwanda found himself obliged to submit to the Germans.
00:25:29He needed them to maintain his fragile power against internal enemies and get protection from the Belgians.
00:25:37In 1897, Rwanda became part of the German colonial empire.
00:25:42In 1907, Richard Kant, a German physician and researcher, became the first permanent colonial resident of Rwanda.
00:25:57When Kant or von Gotsen came here, I think there was a fascination and a little bit of an obsession
00:26:03with everything they saw.
00:26:04The beauty, the sophistication, the architecture, the art.
00:26:10When you see how von Gotsen describes how the court was animated with thousands of warriors and people around, surrounding
00:26:19the king, you know, all the ceremonies.
00:26:21It was really impressive and fascinating.
00:26:24I think that they got that impression.
00:26:26Von Gotsen and Richard Kant, they just decided to say, this can be from these Negroes or these black people.
00:26:33This has to come from us somewhere.
00:26:35So yeah.
00:26:44In school, we learned that colonialism started with the Germans.
00:26:48So the best place to start my investigation into German colonialism is the Kant House, a museum in the middle
00:26:55of Kigali.
00:27:00The house was built in German colonial times and is named after Richard Kant, although there is no proof that
00:27:07he actually lived there.
00:27:09As I go through the exhibition, I understand that Kant was a central figure in the colonization of Rwanda.
00:27:15He took an interest in studying Rwanda culture, language and geography and had a decisive influence in shaping the Western
00:27:23perception of Rwanda.
00:27:27At the moment, the exhibition of the museum is being redone to tell more about racism and the effects of
00:27:33colonization and less about German colonizers.
00:27:40Why do we have a museum of him in Kigali, in the independent Rwanda now today?
00:27:45We can't hide the history that happened to the country. We can never.
00:27:49So that's why today we have a museum. When you talk about colonialism, of course, already you feel a negative
00:27:57side and bad things.
00:28:02Is it that the Germans were good to Rwandans?
00:28:07Why do we have a status of Kant?
00:28:09Why do we have a status of Kant?
00:28:09The museum itself was named after Kant. So that's when they decided to put on his statue. But comment from
00:28:19the visitors, no one likes the statue.
00:28:23Why don't they like it?
00:28:24They just said that he was a colonizer. Why do we have to keep him there? Yeah, he meant in
00:28:33fact that in most of the Latin American countries, then they had to demolish everything, all the statues that they
00:28:41had. So some people think that we should do the same.
00:28:46Eventually, a few months after we finished filming, plans were made to take down the Kant statue in spring 2024.
00:28:54Germans didn't come here as welcomed guests. They came here to impose and to claim the territory for the Kaiser,
00:29:03for the empire of Germany.
00:29:15To understand more about the nature of German colonialism in Rwanda, I go to Shangi, in the southwest.
00:29:26This is the place where Germans established their first colonial presence in Rwanda.
00:29:33Richard Kant had his first residence here, called Bergfrieden. Today, a German citizen owns the land and keeps a personal
00:29:42museum of Kant.
00:29:48How do you perceive Kant as a person? Who is Kant to you?
00:29:51You know, I believe that he was the one who was opening the door to the rest of the world
00:29:59for Rwanda.
00:30:02He introduced the coffee to Rwanda, he introduced the first post, he introduced money and so on and so on.
00:30:10Do you feel like the German colonization at the time with the king, do you think it was a good
00:30:15relationship, a friendly relationship?
00:30:17It was a very friendly relationship. Musinga, the king of this time, he respected Mr. Kant very much and Mr.
00:30:27Kant respected him also.
00:30:29So, he was more or less, for a lot of things, the advisor for the Musinga.
00:30:37Most historians describe the relationship not so positively.
00:30:41As we are talking, I realize that Manfred himself was nearly killed in the genocide.
00:30:46He was on the death list of the militia and survived only because Rwandans helped him flee over Lake Kivu
00:30:52to Congo.
00:30:55As we know in the genocide they were killing the Tutsis, but why do you want to kill a German
00:31:00person?
00:31:00You know, not only the Tutsi were killed, also the Sympathisans were killed.
00:31:05So, there are a lot of people killed who had a small relationship with the Tutsi.
00:31:10So, everybody owed someone who was only rich.
00:31:13Even when he was a Hutu, he got killed because of the income of the cows, because of his land.
00:31:19So, on the 29th of April, the Bürgermeister organized a mass catholic in the church, there in Changi.
00:31:29And they asked him, merci pour le Dieu, that there are no anymore Tutsis.
00:31:33They went in the church to thank God that there was no Tutsis?
00:31:37Yes, no more Tutsis exist.
00:31:41Many people, even younger people today, still think colonization had positive sides.
00:31:46Because they think, oh, we brought medicine and all this and all that.
00:31:51I mean, by the same time, you took a lot, you know.
00:31:54It's revolting, you know.
00:31:55For any African or for any person whose people were colonized, to think that, oh, there's still this idea that,
00:32:06oh, actually we did you a favor.
00:32:16As I was researching for this film, I came across a recent German Rwandan study.
00:32:20It revealed that there were around 900 human skulls kept in Germany.
00:32:24They were stolen from Rwanda in 1907 and 1908.
00:32:30Most of them appropriated by an anthropologist named Jan Chekhanovsky.
00:32:35For over a hundred years, nobody in Rwanda knew about the existence of these human skulls.
00:32:48Chekhanovsky and his team, they learned from the missionaries that people were burying their dead.
00:32:53At least here in the north, in caves that were put.
00:32:56It was easy for them, with the knowledge they have from the missionaries and to know exactly which places,
00:33:01to go and collect that much human remains from this area.
00:33:10So they didn't have to dig out a lot because it was in the caves.
00:33:19I talked to locals in the Bureira district in northern Rwanda, where many of these skulls were stolen.
00:33:25I want to know if they ever heard about this.
00:33:29They thought they would be dead and hayaies because they were taken away and the old moaning in time.
00:33:33But now we really love to miss that.
00:33:39I still say you know, and Russia are still alive.
00:33:40Because I am not even a mother to my family and my mother told us to visit it.
00:33:44Why not?
00:33:45You know what I'm talking about?
00:33:49You know what I've been talking about?
00:33:53It's the only thing.
00:33:54I had no idea.
00:33:54You're a slave.
00:33:54Yes, you're a slave.
00:34:05Back in the time, the belief was that you don't see the grave of somebody,
00:34:08there's a belief that that person doesn't rest, he's still alive somehow, still wandering somehow.
00:34:14It was, yeah, it's interesting to get the feel of how people feel about that.
00:34:21When I hear about those human remains in Europe, I realize that the consequence of the classification within the Rwandan
00:34:33society,
00:34:34dividing people on the basis of effect ethnicity, it's not something new.
00:34:42The characters of those human remains, like Richard Kant.
00:34:50I think I've written somewhere the terms he used, Richard Kant himself, it was in 1899.
00:35:02He wrote, Rwanda is a country full of hopes when we could destroy the power of Vewatutsi.
00:35:14So, you see, this is something Kant has written two years after he came in Rwanda.
00:35:27And they are the ones, and Iancho Kanowiski, who were collecting those human remains.
00:35:36And those human remains have been used for classifying Rwandans, just to prove that there is ethnicity in Rwanda.
00:35:46And the consequence has been the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi.
00:36:06The question of division and so-called ethnicities of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda caused a lot of destruction, loss
00:36:13of life, and, you know, pretty much the genocide, you know.
00:36:17So, it is a very sensitive subject.
00:36:23I'm learning a lot about how my identity was destroyed, how this division came about.
00:36:31A lot of that recorded history is in Europe, in Belgium, in Germany.
00:36:36So, my next step now would be to go there and to see for myself.
00:36:40I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:44I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:47I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:50I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:52I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:54I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:58I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:58I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:59I'm learning a lot of this.
00:36:59I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:00I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:00I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:01I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:01I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:02I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:02I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:04I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:06I'm learning a lot of this.
00:37:15Berlin is a significant place for many reasons.
00:37:18First of all, the so-called Congo Conference in which Africa was divided like a piece of
00:37:23cake and given to colonial powers took place here in Berlin in 1884 and 1885.
00:37:30Ratio theories to divide humanity into races were very popular, also at the Royal Museum
00:37:35for Ethnology.
00:37:36Director of the Africa and Oceania Departments, Felix von Luschen, instructed the colonial
00:37:42researchers to appropriate more than 9,000 human remains from German colonies, mostly
00:37:48skulls but also full skeletons.
00:37:51What was the purpose of this collecting human remains from Rwanda?
00:37:57You would analyze languages, material culture, immaterial culture and the physical appearance
00:38:06of people and then you try to create races, compare them and then say okay this race migrated
00:38:13through there and they mixed with that race.
00:38:17That was the general idea behind it.
00:38:21Of course it was the races were put on hierarchy.
00:38:26In what ways do you think you laid the foundations for the creation of ethnicities?
00:38:31Well there was the idea of the Hamid theory before and by basically taking human remains and
00:38:41separating them in Hutu Tutsi-Twa on whatever information you have that might be wrong as well
00:38:47you're creating the foundation for future separation in Hutu Tutsi-Twa.
00:38:53That's what Richard Kant has done regardless of the actual reality.
00:38:59That might be different as Czekanowski even wrote for himself.
00:39:03Well I don't see the clear line here between Hutu Tutsi-Twa.
00:39:06Well do you think there was a direct responsibility from the
00:39:11from German anthropologists and studies on German colonial time especially like Kant and others?
00:39:17Do you think somehow they connected to the ethnic divisions that led to the genocide?
00:39:25No question about it.
00:39:26The groundwork was laid back then and it was always continued and even
00:39:32put into place legally and yeah I'm sure.
00:39:41Czekanowski did not only send skulls from Rwanda to Berlin,
00:39:43he also took plaster masks of living people.
00:39:47At the beginning of the 20th century, the gifts from Ahai in Berlin not only sold copies of statues
00:39:53from ancient Greece, Rome and Egypt, they also sold plaster masks from Rwanda.
00:40:00Today they are hidden in a depot and have never been exhibited.
00:40:05After six months of negotiations I get a chance to take a look at them.
00:40:11And this is our space for the Czekanowski casts.
00:40:17I show you.
00:40:20We kind of separated them to give them a bit more privacy maybe
00:40:26and I show you carefully what we have underneath.
00:40:30And this is our space for the Czekanowski.
00:40:37Czekanowski went to Central Africa to find out more about the different types and races.
00:40:43He collected lots of materials as we know and they collected also these 35 plaster face masks
00:40:50in terms of material evidence for the races.
00:40:53So he tried to collect different types in plaster to show them back in Europe to other anthropologists.
00:41:03Von Lushan has awaited this travelogue of Czekanowski urgently and that he sees great value also in the casts.
00:41:13Plaster casts like that became material evidence to prove the existence of different kinds of races.
00:41:20What would you feel was the situation or the circumstances in which this plaster was done?
00:41:28Do you think there were any consent from the people?
00:41:30Do you think?
00:41:31I think it's a very dark chapter of our collection history.
00:41:35And I see a big responsibility also with the Gips for MRI because we as the manufacturer producing these casts
00:41:46kind of facilitated the dissemination of racist ideas being taken into the world, if you will.
00:41:56So this is kind of a difficult heritage for us.
00:42:02And we have to face this difficult heritage here.
00:42:06And I think me as a curator here, I have the responsibility to take care of them now.
00:42:13What is your feeling about these?
00:42:15It's very expressive, you see, like on this first of all, you can really see the discomfort in the face.
00:42:21Even on this one, you can see really the discomfort, like he's biting his lip, I think.
00:42:29It's really powerful, the expression, it says a lot.
00:42:34When I was looking at the places, I was trying to imagine, like, you know, imagine being in a village
00:42:39in 1908
00:42:40and you see a white person coming and putting some stuff on your face.
00:42:45And even if you ask nicely, there's no way this is going to be a good experience.
00:42:52It's necessary to show these things because how else are we going to know how these things happen?
00:43:05I head over to the Humboldt Forum, German's newest temple of the arts and science,
00:43:10a modern replica of a Prussian palace.
00:43:13The German emperor used to live here.
00:43:15Today, it's the home of one of Germany's most prominent collections of colonial objects.
00:43:22The Humboldt Forum has faced a lot of criticism from activists.
00:43:27If you take a symbol that stands for monarchy, it's an anti-democratic symbol in the first place,
00:43:36installing a site like this in the middle of Berlin and making it an international attraction,
00:43:45you know, it's like Disney World of colonialism.
00:43:49I need to talk to the man who's in charge of the museums at the Humboldt Forum.
00:43:54He's not only the head of many of Berlin's most prestigious museums, but also a well-known prehistorian.
00:44:01There's a lot of criticism still from many people, especially people of African origin,
00:44:06but also some scholars also who are German, who also criticised in the very existence,
00:44:11for example, of the Humboldt Forum as a building, as a house, as an institution.
00:44:16What is your response to that?
00:44:18Through such a building, we cannot escape our history. We have to address it.
00:44:23If there were a futuristic, modern museum building, perhaps the discussion would be a different way.
00:44:34Walking through the Africa part of the exhibition is rather disappointing for me.
00:44:38The museum has a concept of representing many world regions and changing exhibitions,
00:44:42and yet there's not a single piece from Rwanda on display.
00:44:47But at the depot, I make a striking discovery.
00:45:09And the discussion I had with the historian Gamaliel from Rwanda,
00:45:12he told me about a song that Rwandans were singing, lamenting,
00:45:17the violence of the colonial soldiers.
00:45:21So as I'm looking here in the Tchekanowski recordings on his list, I saw the name of the song.
00:45:29The song in Kinyarwanda is called the Mungawarungu, which translates to
00:45:34fleeing the Askaris, which were the German colonial soldiers.
00:45:39So it's incredible, because it's like the only direct testimony from the Rwandans themselves,
00:45:44testifying of the violence they were receiving from the Germans.
00:45:48And it is direct testimony, which is not written by somebody else.
00:45:52It's from a song, so it's probably read.
00:46:05What is the discussion now with Rwanda, for example, in terms of should these human remains
00:46:11be brought back to Rwanda?
00:46:14There have not been archaeological excavations with graves, which are thousands of years ago,
00:46:20but there have been cemeteries of living communities.
00:46:24And the people, whoever did that, opened the graves, took out the skulls,
00:46:28normally only the skull, for these racial studies, measuring typology with skulls.
00:46:36And the rest of the body was not important, because you could not detect races.
00:46:39So for us it was clear that the prominence research has the only sense of giving back
00:46:46these human remains to the right countries, owners, communities.
00:46:51Many historians in Rwanda really pointed the finger at the Germans, saying they were the first ones
00:46:58to introduce racial theories. So I want to ask you if you think that somehow Germany
00:47:03can be held responsible in some type of form of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994?
00:47:10In a way, yes, because they brought this division between Tutsi and Hutu,
00:47:15this Semitic theory.
00:47:18But then it happened 100 years later, so one has to ask us what happened in between.
00:47:24So the question is another one, is it a must that after this division, which the Germans brought
00:47:32to Rwanda, was it a must that 100 years later a genocide happened?
00:47:51Genocide is mainly a state crime. In Rwanda has the specificity that it was a popular genocide.
00:47:56You know, it was people, like people mobilized to kill their neighbors. It was not the SS or the,
00:48:02you know, even though of course in Germany and in Europe, there were also people who were helping
00:48:07the Nazis. In Rwanda it was more like a popular thing. It was neighbors and people.
00:48:12So there's, there's, there are differences. There's similarities and differences.
00:48:21When you see about the propaganda against the Jewish people in Europe, it is really the same
00:48:26as in Rwanda. Calling people names like snakes or rats or anything. Also saying they, they have all,
00:48:33all the wealth. They have everything. We have to get rid of them otherwise we're going to take our,
00:48:37our land or our money. There's, the propaganda is really very similar.
00:48:43I think it's not a good thing to compare sufferings, but it's important for a country to study its history
00:48:50in all its specificities. It's like, okay, we have this history with the, with the, with the, with
00:48:55Nazism and with Nazism and all that. We also have the history of colonialism and it has to be treated,
00:49:01of course, in its own respect.
00:49:08Berlin gave me new ideas about what German colonialism in Rwanda was all about.
00:49:12I'm going to meet Anna Maria Branstetta, a German cultural anthropologist working at the University of
00:49:18Mainz. She has been researching in Rwanda for around 20 years and has also taught at the University of Rwanda.
00:49:26She shows me a photo of three men, taken in Rwanda in 1906. It served as a basis for a
00:49:32painting
00:49:33in which the physical differences were manipulated. To prove that, Toa, Hutu, Tutsi were three distinct races.
00:49:40So they're pretty much the same height.
00:49:42Yeah, pretty much.
00:49:43But here, with the…
00:49:45The creation of stereotypes, that's…
00:49:49It's very visible.
00:49:51…racialization in the making.
00:49:53It's frightening.
00:49:54Yeah, of course.
00:49:55It's frightening because it just, it took a…
00:49:57It took just a few strokes of a brush and then you have the, the clear…
00:50:07…differentiation.
00:50:08Yeah, you have it.
00:50:10You have three races.
00:50:11And this is, this is very widespread. So it was popular and they looked at it and…
00:50:17Yeah, that's kind of creation of images.
00:50:21I think there are still many Germans who think that the Hutu and Tutsi and Stwa are two, three distinct
00:50:30groups. They also ask me, but can you tell me if this is a Tutsi or Hutu? And I said,
00:50:35what a weird question
00:50:38and what a racialized question, question you're asking me.
00:50:42Do you think also these ideas of classification are also somehow the precursor of the genocide in Rwanda?
00:50:51So genocide is nothing automatic. You have to decide to kill your neighbor.
00:50:58Of course, you have another situation, a violent situation. You have a warlike situation.
00:51:04So this also creates already a setting. This colonial violence doesn't automatically end up in,
00:51:13in the post-colonial violence, like the genocide against the, against the Tutsis.
00:51:20You don't kill a neighbor because you think he's, he's a Tutsi or Hutu.
00:51:26You kill a neighbor because he, the neighbor is, your neighbor is regarded as non-human, as non,
00:51:36non part of humanity. So you first have to sort them out of humanity.
00:51:51To digest all this, I stopped in Essen to meet my mother-in-law, Esther, and her second husband,
00:51:57Helmut. She survived the genocide against the Tutsi and has been living as a trauma therapist in Germany
00:52:03for the last 20 years.
00:52:14We need to talk, we need to talk about it, and not to avoid, but how to talk about it
00:52:21in a proper way.
00:52:22Silence is dangerous. Silence is dangerous. But talking can be also dangerous. So it is how you talk.
00:52:30...
00:52:31I do not have any claims. In your opinion, the name of Dr. Trajan is a two-year-old child.
00:52:37You want their children? Yes.
00:52:43What about you? Yes.
00:52:44We are being taken care of the child in the district.
00:52:46Let us know that.
00:52:48We first we all get the children, they will do work inoroastry,
00:52:54but we are still escaping for them.
00:52:57I want to live the children to hear them.
00:53:00I was in my household with this.
00:53:03I was trying to get a generation, I was trying to get money.
00:53:07I was trying to get a psychotherapeutic.
00:53:12I was trying to get married by my father.
00:53:17I asked him, I'm like, I don't know what I'm doing.
00:53:19I was trying to get married.
00:53:21How can you remain sane?
00:53:23How can you not get insane after that?
00:53:26But what is really, really terrible, I think for Rwanda, it was not all the time, most of the time
00:53:34it was the machetes, so it was really looking in my eyes, looking at the eyes of the victim, you
00:53:40kill somebody you have seen before, so I think for the, in the head, this is also very difficult as
00:53:49image to get rid of it.
00:53:56At this point, people are very well aware about it, so we could get rid of them so the máximo
00:54:00of our responsibility is to give them a big job.
00:54:07Thanks, thanks, thanks.
00:54:16You're there.
00:54:40In Germany, you did something which is really good.
00:54:44I think the generation of Helmut, those who were born after that
00:54:48and who have questioned the parents,
00:54:49but this we have not yet done in Rwanda.
00:54:52There are few, few cases where they are questioning the parents.
00:55:00On the family level, it still exists.
00:55:03Actually, this could happen to my kids, or in my lifetime.
00:55:06If it happened to me as a kid, it happened to my parents when they were kids,
00:55:10it could happen to me at one point.
00:55:11I mean, for me, I was very young, I didn't see the genocide or what happened.
00:55:14I don't remember the genocide or what happened before it,
00:55:18but when you talk to somebody who lived through it,
00:55:21and today now as an adult, it gives you a different perspective.
00:55:34The next stop of my journey is Belgium.
00:55:36In 1916, the Belgians took colonial control of Rwanda from the Germans.
00:55:43During World War I, Rwanda's King Musinga gave a thousand running troops to the Germans
00:55:48to fight against the Belgians.
00:55:51But the Belgians won the war and took control of Rwanda
00:55:54under the mandate of the League of Nations.
00:55:57They kept Musinga as king, but stripped him of almost all authority.
00:56:02Systematically, they extended division between Tutsi and Hutu
00:56:05according to the hermitic myth the Germans had brought to Rwanda.
00:56:13Dante Singhiza, a Roman historian, researches in Belgium
00:56:17about the colonial rule in Rwanda.
00:56:20Is it really the Tutsi who had oppressed the Hutu?
00:56:24The real responsibility of the exclusion of the power of the Hutu,
00:56:33the exclusion of the power of the country,
00:56:36the exclusion of the privilege of the country,
00:56:38are not the Tutsi chiefs or the monarchs who were there,
00:56:45the monarchs of Rwanda, but it's rather the administration.
00:56:50At that moment, it's the administration of the belge.
00:56:54Dante shows me documents from the colonial administration
00:56:57that prove how Belgians imposed racist politics in Rwanda.
00:57:02First, they favored the Tutsi and marginalized the Hutu.
00:57:06From 1928 on, only Tutsi could become chiefs.
00:57:10All Hutu chiefs were replaced by Tutsis.
00:57:12All Hutu chiefs were replaced by Tutsis.
00:57:37I know we have huge responsibilities as Rwandans in hating each other and getting into the genocide.
00:57:43We did it. We did that. The genocide, we the Rwandans did it.
00:57:46Nobody else can do it, but hate and the ideology of hate
00:57:51is something that is really, it's an idea that is built
00:57:54and cultivated, especially in the Belgian colonial time.
00:57:58I didn't want to see for myself how real it is,
00:58:01and to see if I can have a conviction for myself
00:58:05that this is really something that was put in place
00:58:10and really pitted people against each other.
00:58:12The divide and rule, as people call it.
00:58:43What is this?
00:58:44The dossier from the 20s that Dante showed us
00:58:46there's a correspondence between the resident and the colonial administrator talking about a chief
00:58:52they have to remove because he's Hutu pretty much that was in the 20s because he's not intelligent
00:58:59he's not you see we should replace him by a tutsi this is i think the moment where they
00:59:06really changed the traditional way Randa was governed in 1931 the belgians deposed king
00:59:13musinga who refused to be baptized and walk closer with the belgians his son took over
00:59:19this did you see about the removal of musinga his son who became king after him he speaks good
00:59:27french and he's becoming closer and closer to europeans than his father so he's he's a good
00:59:33candidate to replace his father in 1932 belgium introduced an identity card that cemented the
00:59:40racial division from now on you are permanently either tootsie hutu or thua it was a dynamic
00:59:48thing musinga could make somebody from hutu to tutsi was a moving thing now identity card you can't
00:59:54change it now the race of tutsi you want to see the card in this card they show hutu's as
01:00:08if they live
01:00:08separately from tutsi's complete nonsense
01:00:21i take a look at africa museum interviewing which used to be the showcase of belgian colonialism
01:00:27today it wants to transform into a center for exchanging ideas with the former colonies rwanda
01:00:32congo and burundi
01:00:37leopold ii created this building and he needed this apparatus of uh propaganda to convey this message
01:00:45to belgian public that everything was okay and that belgium was bringing civilization do people know
01:00:51about that bloody side of the history in terms of the public or do you think there is a need
01:00:57to do
01:00:57more and if there is a need to do more do you think like there's an acceptance for that change
01:01:02to
01:01:02to contextualize all this to know where all this came from well the colonial propaganda and the
01:01:08tribute museum helped to create this rosary image of the colony so this was long hidden for the public
01:01:18and i think it really changed in the 1980s but still there's a lot of work to be done because
01:01:25new
01:01:25generations need also to be informed about this we talk about genocide in rwanda we talk about
01:01:32genocide in sarajevo but we don't talk about genocide in congo during leopold second this term is also
01:01:38always avoided
01:01:46what would you understand if you visited here nothing if you if you don't know nothing about rwanda
01:01:53it's nothing that you could learn here apart from you see a one minute video of the belgian king
01:01:58visiting rwanda saying hi and then you see a few newspapers of the in the 50s there's nothing that
01:02:06talks about the segregationist uh policy that belgian imposed in rwanda so it doesn't really teach anything
01:02:13it's just uh it's like in the bedroom where you have when you have posters it doesn't teach nothing
01:02:27at the same time downstairs at the museum a brilliant artist is setting up a new exhibition
01:02:32that proves how it's possible to confront the past
01:02:39you have thousands of images in the museum images which have been taken in africa
01:02:46mostly in congo rwanda burundi and
01:02:51my project is called my name is nobody my name is nobody yes
01:02:55yes because uh looking at the pictures i found that no african had a name
01:03:03on the pictures the photographers were deciding who was were the people in front of them right
01:03:10we were exhibited or we were taken or we assigned to identities to see are very tall the pygmies are
01:03:17very the the the bantus are this or that and that's the words you find today
01:03:23on twitter or on internet people you know kind of qualifying them they themselves
01:03:30like it was decided in these pictures how the stereotypes became reality that's my my artistic work
01:03:37but this time i didn't make pictures i took pictures from the museum now i'm going to show
01:03:42them using these keywords showing how uh absurd the description the description of the people was
01:03:49what one of the prayers you did before this one muzumu tribes it was kind of like reversing
01:03:55the roles so muzumu tribes it's a story which talk about the 70s uh lab by black and white people
01:04:00created in brushes you have all the the the story in it and people believe it you always see the
01:04:06pictures
01:04:06of in rwanda people measuring uh white people measuring it somehow in the imagery it sounds
01:04:13like a normal thing or it's like it's okay but when you see a white person doing it like oh
01:04:16wait a
01:04:17minute something's very wrong here and actually that was the reaction of the public yes touching
01:04:25the white body like that today is still shocking so it's all about what we talk about the story of
01:04:32the ethnical troubles the genocide and the rest came from a fake news came from a fake news that
01:04:39people believed and they went so far that they killed each other yeah and some people still think
01:04:44that people are different yes yeah
01:04:50in brussels i get the feeling that belgium still has trouble facing its history
01:04:55in 2020 a special parliamentary commission was set up to light on belgium's colonial past
01:05:03after two and a half years it collapsed at the finish line stripped off all its recommendations
01:05:09there was no political consensus to apologize to the victims i meet wouter de vrind who led the commission
01:05:17i guess in many countries an apology is an act of vulnerability and so in fact you have to be
01:05:26brave in
01:05:26order to apologize
01:05:30and for many political parties in belgium an apology is quite logical uh for me for instance i always was
01:05:39was was was was in favor of of an official apology but there was pressure from the presidents of of
01:05:46of
01:05:46of the political parties in belgium uh also from the monarchy in belgium um so well some of the political
01:05:56parties who initially agreed on an official apology withdraw their support for that and that meant in fact
01:06:03that's well the the commission didn't uh uh didn't come to an end during your commission uh research
01:06:12on the past of colonial past of belgium in regards to rwanda what what what were the findings that really
01:06:20what was the most like shocking or interesting to you that you found well for the members of the
01:06:26commission it's quite clear that belgium played a role in uh making more explicit the racial differences
01:06:34and the ethnic background of the people living in rwanda at the time uh who to tutsi twa
01:06:42in the late 50s the belgian anthropologist jean ironon was measuring rwandans to prove their separate
01:06:48races at the time as in many african countries the calls for an end of colonization became stronger
01:06:55the tutsi leadership in rwanda also wanted belgium to end its colonial rule belgium resisted against
01:07:03let's say an uprising nationalism of merely the tutsi elite in rwanda at the time um and they began to
01:07:13to discriminate and they began to let's say support the hutu people in rwanda
01:07:20um you know just for their own purpose actually in their own interest as a colonial power in 1959
01:07:29gregor kaiwanda a hutu nationalist led what he called the hutu revolution it culminated in violence
01:07:36that exiled more than 100 000 tutsis to neighboring countries in 1961 the tutsi monarchy was abolished
01:07:45after referendum rwanda became a hutu dominated republic and received its independence from belgium
01:07:51in 1962. kaiwanda became the first president his government excluded the tutsi from any political
01:07:58and military power and of course the roots of the ethnic conflicts that caused the genocide in rwanda
01:08:05lay partially in belgium uh colonial reign in rwanda in 1973 kaiwanda was removed from power by his army
01:08:16chief general juvenile habjarimana who promised peace for the tutsi minority but instead he excluded the
01:08:23tutsi even more from education and public service the number of tutsi refugees in neighboring countries
01:08:29was growing and habjarimana refused their right to return home from the independence in 1962 to the
01:08:36genocide against the tutsi in 1994 the rwanda government kept the ethnicities hutu tutsi
01:08:42in the identity cards and many other official documents it was shocking to me to learn that it's not
01:09:05something that was an innocent mistake from colonial powers it was actually a systematic intention
01:09:12to teach this ideology and to divide people and to actually work hard until these people believe
01:09:19that they are actually different
01:09:42Every generation in Rwanda has to find a way to deal with the past.
01:09:46Victims, perpetrators, bystanders.
01:09:49I head south to Widjesera, one of Rwanda's six reconciliation villages.
01:09:54Victims and perpetrators of the genocide live here together.
01:10:12Let's go!
01:10:19Nehmeye and Laurence grew up together.
01:10:22During the genocide, Nehmeye killed the members of Laurence's family.
01:10:26After 10 years in prison, he returned to the village.
01:10:31What's your name?
01:10:32Yes, I'm your name.
01:10:34What's your name?
01:10:35What's your name?
01:10:37What's your name?
01:10:43What's your name?
01:10:44By the time, I've been Где.
01:10:46I've been here, by the end of the day.
01:10:47I was a friend of mine.
01:10:48How did my family know what's your name?
01:10:52My family knew I was here.
01:10:57This is my family.
01:10:59That's what I found in my life.
01:11:02My family came here and my family came here.
01:11:04I was born with my mother.
01:11:06I was born with my mother.
01:11:06to what I was saying so.
01:11:10If you could have done it,
01:11:11I would have been prepared to do it.
01:11:13But if you were to go to a school,
01:11:15you would have learned about it.
01:11:18But I would have done it.
01:11:26I would have made the difference in the life,
01:11:28and then I would have learned anything like that.
01:11:30I was a production of the family,
01:11:30so I have a lot of my work.
01:11:44Today, Laurence's daughter, Solange, is married to the son of a perpetrator.
01:11:48His father was among the men who killed Laurence's sister.
01:11:51His father was the one who killed Laurence's daughter.
01:12:00He was the one who killed Laurence's daughter.
01:12:13He made her own lives.
01:12:15She is the one who killed Laurence's daughter.
01:12:20When she met her, we had a gift to all of them.
01:12:27The father and father and her father were a good man who killed her.
01:12:34They were a good man of their parents.
01:12:38I'm a young man.
01:12:41I started to become a young man.
01:12:45I was a young man doing my job.
01:12:45I was a young man
01:12:52that the same as I can learn and learn.
01:12:59I remember it was my younger boy.
01:13:02I was taught by my son.
01:13:03I was also one of my students.
01:13:06I was taught every year.
01:13:07I need help with my children.
01:13:10They will be able to help me,
01:13:13and get me back home,
01:13:15and I'll have a new home with my family.
01:13:23I love it.
01:13:25I love it.
01:13:26I love it.
01:13:27I love it.
01:13:28I love it.
01:13:29I love it, I love it.
01:13:30I love it.
01:13:31I was asked what she had.
01:13:33My first thought was because my mother was born.
01:13:42She was born here, and she was born here for a nation.
01:13:47The children aren't born anymore.
01:13:51and it was just that the teachers didn't win.
01:13:57It was very difficult for me.
01:13:59I was able to do this.
01:14:02It was hard to be able to do one.
01:14:04This was my job,
01:14:05and for me, I should have a job for myself.
01:14:09I was able to do one.
01:14:20Not far from the reconciliation village is the Nyamata Church genocide memorial.
01:14:26Many of Laurence's relatives lose their lives here and are buried in the memorial.
01:14:38We are here to take care of the village.
01:14:44I will be grateful for the family to the village.
01:14:47I will be in the land of the village.
01:14:47And we will be here to the village.
01:14:49We will be there for a while.
01:14:53We will be here for the village to the village.
01:14:58Good morning, buddy.
01:15:01We always got home.
01:15:06I'm so happy to be with you right now.
01:15:08We are here for the department of work.
01:15:15We had a great job,
01:15:18and we had a great job.
01:15:22I was learning to work with my friends.
01:15:25and you will see me on the right hand.
01:15:27I trust you all,
01:15:29and you need to take care of things.
01:15:31I feel like you are so busy and hard to stop,
01:15:34so you need to be prepared,
01:15:35and you need to be prepared.
01:15:37And then you are ready?
01:15:42When I think about you,
01:15:44when I'm being prepared,
01:15:46I'm very happy,
01:15:48and I have enough to go.
01:15:50So,
01:15:52to the stage of the leadership,
01:15:53We are very young and we have to find ourselves in the past.
01:15:57And we are still here in the past.
01:16:01We are still here for the past,
01:16:03the past, and the past.
01:16:07We are still here to see our lives.
01:16:10We will be able to find ourselves here to live our lives.
01:16:16I meet Giziel Oldhoff, a German-Rwandan anthropologist.
01:16:20In her research project, she examines self-determination and dignity in the future plans of young Rwandans.
01:16:26Like so many in our generation, she lost family members in the genocide.
01:16:31So what is this place?
01:16:33That's actually the foundation of the house of my grandmother.
01:16:37It's where I spent the first one and a half years of my life.
01:16:44The first time you came back here with your mother and her seeing how the place that she knew, she
01:16:50had her childhood in, was completely destroyed.
01:16:54What was her reaction at that moment?
01:16:56In the morning we walked around a little bit to the village and everything and then the tears came and
01:17:02she started crying or we started crying a lot.
01:17:05And they took us away from the street and brought us into a house where people cannot see that we
01:17:11are crying.
01:17:12And I remember this moment to be very, it was awkward a little bit because I thought, why are they
01:17:18hiding us?
01:17:19Or is there something wrong about being sad?
01:17:22When I see some people cry, I don't know what to do. I feel like, oh my God, something is
01:17:25going wrong.
01:17:26I think it comes from the fact that I have a culture of always keeping everything inside, keeping everything inside.
01:17:34And when you cry, it's almost like being naked.
01:17:39I've never seen my aunt or my uncle cry, even at a funeral or stuff like that.
01:17:44Yes, you show yourself as very vulnerable in this situation.
01:17:48I think even with women it's even better, but with men it's even something.
01:17:53With men it's something even worse.
01:17:57I think I haven't cried in my adult life. I think I've cried like three times.
01:18:01Really?
01:18:02From when I was 14, I think I've only cried like three times in my adult life.
01:18:07But do you sometimes feel like crying or is it just not happening?
01:18:11When you have a kid, you get soft.
01:18:17But yeah, but I think it's a feeling of always, over the time you stop yourself from feeling like crying
01:18:23and at one point you don't feel like crying.
01:18:25You feel sad, you feel so whatever, but it doesn't come out like that.
01:18:29What are your plans now for this place?
01:18:31We have the idea to build a small house here, to have the possibility to come back here, to be
01:18:37here.
01:18:38I hope and I wish for my daughter to come to Rwanda and to see the place where I was
01:18:46born, where her grandmother was born.
01:18:48My roots are here and the past is here and all the terrible things that happened is also here.
01:18:53It will always be a part of our lives.
01:18:55I know my mom and my grandmother, they were very happy here.
01:18:58They spent a very good time and I don't want this to be taken away.
01:19:25Generations of adults hated each other. Hutus hated Tutsis and Tutsis hated Hutus.
01:19:31Adults told their children to hate other children if they are not in the same Hutu, Tutsi or to our
01:19:37groups.
01:19:38Reading Born Hutzi made me think of another aspect of our identity that is not talked about much.
01:19:44The silent majority of people from mixed backgrounds.
01:19:49I was shocked that day. I almost felt like crying in that classroom.
01:19:54How come that yesterday I was a genocide survivor and now I turn into a son of an alleged genocide
01:20:01perpetrator?
01:20:03In his book, Fistomo Datumura describes how he grew up in the family of Tutsi genocide survivors.
01:20:09But from one day to the other, his identity changed.
01:20:12As he found out, his father was not a Tutsi, but a Hutu who was accused of working with the
01:20:17genocide perpetrators.
01:20:20You always feel shameful because you cannot share about your stories.
01:20:25And you always feel caught in the middle because you can't hate this one or hate that one.
01:20:31Because they are both you.
01:20:33So how did, for example, some of your friends who assumed, for example, you were Tutsi because they know your
01:20:38mother only?
01:20:39Or they assumed you were a survivor?
01:20:41Was there any case of people like that who reacted there?
01:20:43Today, people don't want to talk about such topics.
01:20:49Because they know that people take it very differently.
01:20:53They know that it's still going to reverse.
01:20:56From that day on, when you heard that your father allegedly attended some meetings to kill Tutsis, you hated yourself.
01:21:02How did that change?
01:21:04Of course, every child wants to be associated with the heroes.
01:21:09No child wants to be associated with the villains.
01:21:13So you hear all these heroic stories of the Arabian soldiers.
01:21:16And you feel like you want to associate with the Arabian soldiers.
01:21:19Until you become a teenager, you start to find maybe your father was a villain.
01:21:25And you feel like it's shameful.
01:21:27I can't say that to anyone that my father was a villain.
01:21:31Actually, until I published a book.
01:21:33I think we are the transition generation from the hardcore believers in Hutus and Tutsis to the non-believers of
01:21:42Hutus and Tutsis.
01:21:43The Genesians don't care that much about such things.
01:21:47So we are in the middle within those two generations.
01:21:56Today, children in school learned that we are all Rwandans.
01:21:59The terms Hutu, Tutsis and Tua are supposed to be history.
01:22:03And they were taken out of identity cards.
01:22:07After dinner at my uncle's house, I want to know from my cousin if the question of division is still
01:22:12a topic in her generation.
01:22:15They were called over here.
01:22:21When I was a kid and I was born Dr. Yaman, there were people who were not able to do
01:22:25this.
01:22:25And they were the people who would say that they were not allowed to vote for their children.
01:22:30And they've been saying that they never got put their children.
01:22:35And they started taking their children.
01:22:36The parents were mine.
01:22:38They weren't at work.
01:22:39They were mine.
01:22:40They were mine.
01:22:42I didn't know what happened to her.
01:22:43Even if that they were mine walked away.
01:22:44When I was a child, I would have been a kid who was a kid in prison.
01:22:51But I was a kid who was a kid.
01:22:58When I was a kid, I would have been a kid.
01:23:02I would have been a kid and I would have been a kid who was a kid.
01:23:06It's hard for us to be able to live in our lives.
01:23:10What do you want to do with us?
01:23:15Sometimes we don't have to worry about it.
01:23:17We don't have to worry about it.
01:23:22We don't have to worry about it.
01:23:27We don't have to worry about it.
01:23:29We don't have to worry about it.
01:23:37We don't have to worry about it.
01:23:42I don't think we have to worry about it.
01:23:45It's hard for us to understand what we want to do.
01:23:46What do you think about it?
01:23:47The next thing is almost uncertainty.
01:23:52It's something that we need.
01:23:57If you think about my father's family, for example, among five men, six women, only one
01:24:03man survived, two women.
01:24:04So, yeah, so I think if I was another Tutsi man in 1994 in Kigali, I'd probably be dead.
01:24:11Most likely, I would definitely, most likely be dead.
01:24:18When you said with the Rwanda trauma, even though I said how huge it is, I don't believe
01:24:25that this is the only identity we have.
01:24:29And this is very important, so that people don't remain under that.
01:24:35It is possible to heal.
01:24:49The most important thing is to us to know who we were before somebody else came and taught
01:24:56us something different.
01:25:00After discovering that our history has been distorted, then it's up to us to shape a new society.
01:25:23The most important thing is not to punish anyone or to submit to be ashamed, that doesn't
01:25:35matter.
01:25:36It's to go back to who we were.
01:25:41In the end, you have the right to live a good life.
01:25:44You can live a good life.
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