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In an interview with India Today, former External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid shared his analysis of the BRICS summit outcomes and India-China relations. Discussing the New Delhi Declaration, Khurshid noted that while the condemnation of cross-border terrorism represents positive movement, India needs to continue broader diplomatic outreach beyond the multilateral grouping. Reflecting on India's bilateral ties with China and recent high-level engagements, he stressed the need for transparency, stating, "We have to trust each other first, and the trust will come only with sharing of information." Khurshid urged the government to take the opposition into confidence regarding developments on the border issue. Furthermore, addressing the trade imbalance between the two countries, he pointed out that India must formulate concrete domestic plans alongside bilateral talks to reduce the trade deficit effectively.
Transcript
00:05And joining me now to analyze the outcomes of the BRICS summit and the bilateral with China
00:11is Salman Khurshid, former external affairs minister, former minister for law and justice
00:16and minority affairs. He's dealt with the very tricky India-China issue directly as the external
00:24affairs minister of India during the UPA government. Sir, welcome. A consensus, despite contentious
00:31issues, warring sides on the same table in New Delhi. We saw a meeting between Iran and the UAE.
00:38Your reading of this unanimous adoption of the New Delhi declaration.
00:47Look, I think that this is a part of a continuum that has gone in the right direction. There
00:57are a lot of issues that have been for which ground has been laid. But I think the important
01:05thing is that the ground that is laid in this declaration and whatever has preceded this
01:12declaration in the previous BRIC meetings, how that's taken forward in effect wherever
01:20there is some difficult area. And you know the difficult area, as you're aware, are West
01:25Asia, Iran, Iran, Israel, United States of America, and in Europe, etc. Now, how we take it forward
01:33and who takes it forward? What kind of role India will conceive for itself beyond BRICs? What
01:40can happen beyond BRICs is a thing.
01:43It indeed is. But the fact that they were able to come on common ground, sir, the explicit
01:50condemnation, for example, of the Pehelgaam terror attack and of cross-border terrorism.
01:55Does this, in your view, represent forward movement and consensus on a very critical issue of terror,
02:05so? Absolutely. But it's been happening. This is not something a rabbit out of a hat suddenly.
02:11This is something that's been happening over a period, over different BRIC sessions, etc.
02:18And we've gone in the right direction. But you know, there will be disappointments. There
02:22are disappointments in India about not specifically mentioning the country from where cross-border
02:28terrorism is inflicted on India. There would be disappointments. But you know, when you're
02:33in a… when you're in a multilateral situation, everything is not always possible. But what
02:39is possible is put down. And if that points to something more possibly in the future, then
02:45that can be said to be satisfactory or at least a good beginning.
02:49Sir, you know, you rightly mentioned that Pakistan wasn't mentioned by name. But when there is
02:55a reference to, for example, cross-border terrorism or UN-designated global terrorists, would
03:01that shame Pakistan? Or will Pakistan, you know, it's gone so far down that nothing actually
03:08shames it into reforming itself?
03:14Well, I… I think it's sort of expecting too much from… from Pakistan. Nothing in the
03:20history of the past 20, 30, 40 years indicates that… that shaming is… naming and shaming
03:27is anything that has an impact on them. It's been much worse than that. And then the kind
03:33of support that they have got periodically from important countries, whether it's explicit or
03:39implicit, is something that we still need to deal with. I think that just the… just
03:44the declaration may not do enough. We may have to go beyond the declaration. We may have
03:50to go beyond BRICS to the larger diplomatic… diplomatic outreach that we have to continue.
03:57So there are many, many possibilities, openings, pointing to right directions. But we need to
04:03take that right direction and move forward.
04:07Interesting you should mention that. And I'll come to China and the bilateral in just a
04:11moment. For a moment, I want to continue talking about BRICS outcomes. Russian President Vladimir
04:16Amir Putin spoke of facing sanctions. Iranian President Masood Pizishkian spoke of sanctions. And
04:23these are not UN sanctions. Sir, has India been able to walk that fine line, stand strongly
04:29with BRICS partner nations despite deep engagement with US and Europe? And what more should India
04:36do or can India do to ensure we also remain on the right trajectory and yet be with our BRICS
04:45partners? Well, very clearly, very, very clearly, there is much that is promising as far as the
04:52declaration is concerned, which we haven't seen, which we haven't seen before. We haven't seen,
04:58we haven't seen effective intervention by many countries. We certainly haven't seen effective
05:04intervention by India. But when India becomes party to this declaration, where would it go with
05:10intervention beyond this declaration is a big question. It's not easy. Let's be very clear. It's
05:15not easy. We can't, we can't just give up our relationship with one set of countries and say
05:22that we will deal only with another set of countries. That's not what India's position has ever been.
05:27And I believe, therefore, whatever was, and interestingly, that Bangdung has been mentioned
05:33after a long time in the declaration. Now, non-alignment has not been mentioned, but Bangdung
05:39is mentioned, which is where non-alignment began. So are we really looking at non-alignment
05:46in another format or non-alignment in a redesign, reformatted form, etc., is a big question. But
05:59you have to deal with contradictory aspirations as far as friendly countries or countries that we
06:06have relationships with are concerned. I think this will be the big challenge for us, as indeed it may
06:12be for other countries as well. So is multi-alignment the new non-alignment or in fact going from
06:18multilateralism to plurilateralism… I'm not. You don't… You don't… Go on, sir.
06:26No, no, I… I'm not quite… I'm not quite sure that multi… multi-alignment makes much sense. It certainly
06:32does make sense to me. Non-alignment gives you the freedom to deal with anybody that you believe
06:38you should deal with or you'll feel… you'll feel comfortable to deal with at a given time.
06:42If you're aligned already, then where is the freedom? Where is the freedom to deal or not
06:48to deal with somebody who is a comforting partner at that particular time? So I believe
06:54that there has to be… there has to be a redefining of what non-alignment means, non… what multi-alignment
07:02means. Now, multilateralism is fine and I think that multilateralism has been strengthened and
07:09purportedly strengthened and I think we should welcome it, but we should go along the path of
07:13multilateralism, which means that all the institutions of multilateralism have to be strengthened and
07:20they can be strengthened only with the clarion call that has come, which is that the voice of the global
07:26south must be reflected everywhere from the United Nations to IMF, World Bank and every other multilateral
07:34organization. And they're speaking of reforms, but let me for a moment now come specifically to
07:40India-China and that's a subject you've dealt with very closely. Your reading of the India-China
07:47bilateral in Delhi after a gap of seven years in India and China talking of drawing from each other's
07:53strengths or helping each other's succeed. We are hearing sweet words, but what sweet action would
07:59you want to see on ground after these sweet words exchanged in Delhi?
08:06Well, it's very clear. First of all, it's important, it's important for us to know in the opposition of
08:12this country, it's important for us to know that where was, where did we start and where have we reached
08:18after the conversations that have happened? Not just here, conversation at SCO, conversation between
08:24the, between the, the, uh, the, uh, national security advisor and foreign minister of China.
08:32Where have we reached? And now finally, with the bilaterals that we've had here, where have we reached
08:39and how much further do we have to go? Some broad parameters, some broad expressions of, of outreach
08:46between the two of us have been mentioned, but I think we have to be more specific. And I think
08:53where there needs to be a greater sharing of information and knowledge between the government
08:58and the opposition so that the opposition can in a well-informed way support the government if it's so
09:03needed. That's a very good point you make, sir. Uh, you know, statements like partners, not rivals,
09:11win-win cooperation, all of that sounds wonderful. But sir, you've dealt with that situation on ground
09:17when you were external affairs minister, incidents like Chumar or subsequently Depsang or Dolom or Galwan
09:24or Thaksing recently. So partners don't do this. How do we verify, you know, it's trust, but verify. How do
09:32you
09:33verify that there, it is a new dawn or if, if there is the recession?
09:40Precisely, precisely, precisely, this is just the point that I, I continue to make that we need to
09:45have a conversation, which is a candid conversation, not to apportion blame, but at least to ask,
09:52why do you think these things happen? Why do these things happen? And what is the way to prevent
09:58these things from happening? I think specifically, specifically enough candor has not been shown
10:05as far as our conversation with China is concerned. I think there's too much formalism, there is too much
10:11official, official ease, et cetera. I think something more needs to be done, but what more needs to be
10:17done will only be clear once we know what has been done. And therefore, I think it's important that the
10:24government takes us into confidence, meaning the government takes the opposition into confidence,
10:30whichever part of the opposition it wants to take into confidence, and then see how the conversation
10:36can go any further. If you can't take a conversation with the opposition further, how will you take a
10:42conversation with China any further? Interesting point to make there, sir. And you know, you've heard
10:48both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Chinese President Xi Jinping, there is talk that differences
10:52should not become disputes. So someone who's handled this situation on ground, and I remember I
10:58interviewed you when you were the External Affairs Minister in 2013, you'd recall, you'd call this
11:05relationship, you know, acne on an otherwise very beautiful face when those soldiers had come in.
11:11Has anything changed between India and China? Has it only worsened? And this conversation,
11:19do you see some kind of a reset?
11:25Well, I think that it's worsened. Over a period, it's worsened. It's become very depressingly
11:36very bad. But there are moments in which we are told repeatedly that we've now put it back on track.
11:43We've now put it back on track. I don't think that that's enough. So generalities will not do.
11:49I think we need to do something very, very specific. Now, who does it and how it's taken forward is
11:54a
11:54matter for the government to take a call on. If they want any suggestions from us, we would be more
11:59than
11:59willing to give suggestions. But you know, this point about blaming the Congress for being pro-China,
12:05and then Congress saying that you are giving in to China is not the best way to prepare,
12:11not the best way to prepare to have a meaningful conversation with China. You have to trust,
12:16we have to trust each other first. And the trust will come only with sharing of information.
12:22Thereafter, we begin to verify and trust, as you've said, trust, but verify and verify,
12:28and then trust. Only then we can begin that journey with China.
12:33And, you know, verify and trust and any concrete steps, you know, whether it's greater access to
12:39Chinese markets for Indian goods, that's again a subject you've dealt with personally, sir,
12:44or peace and tranquility at the borders. So, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, when he was speaking
12:50about BRICS as a grouping, he said the world now expects concrete results from the grouping,
12:55and not just ideas and commitments. So, what are those concrete results that you want to see on
13:03ground?
13:07Well, I think the concrete results are not entirely in the hands of China. Something China can do as
13:14far as the trade deficit is concerned. But there must be something that we can do, and we must do.
13:18We can't just leave it all at their door and say that, now, they have to put their house in
13:24order so
13:25that we can ensure that there is no trade deficit. It must be something that we need to do. So,
13:30let's look at ourselves as well, and then work out on a plan, step by step, how do we get
13:36rid of
13:36trade deficit? That's very, very critical. Now, of course, over the period when things have worsened,
13:42things have gone bad, et cetera, we've always kept open channels of people-to-people contact,
13:49and that's never been a major problem. There's some minor discrepancies, et cetera, which can be
13:54handled and which are now, I believe, being handled again, with flights coming in and visas, et cetera,
14:00being released more easily. But I think, basically, there are some things that we need to do at home,
14:08and there are some things that we need to do with China, and there is something that China needs
14:13to do at its own end. Mr. Salman Khursheed for joining me here on this India First special broadcast.
14:20Many thanks.
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