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Trump’s Gaza plan a 'negotiating ploy' for annexation in West Bank, expert says
FRANCE 24 English
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2/17/2025
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00:00
We can now bring in Hossein Ibish, senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in
00:06
Washington DC. Thank you so much for joining us here on the program today. It seemed like
00:10
the ceasefire deal in place between Israel and Hamas was on very shaky ground last week,
00:16
but then over the weekend, we saw Hamas release the hostages on its end and then Palestinian
00:21
prisoners were freed by Israel. Are things more solid now?
00:27
I think a little bit, yes. Look, Hamas really wants the second phase to go forward because
00:32
they are reemerging as the power in Gaza. They're rebuilding their civil authority
00:38
every day in different parts of Gaza. And this is a strategic choice by Israel to prefer the
00:46
reemergence of Hamas in Gaza to anything that might be connected to the PLO and the PA in Ramallah,
00:52
because that's the Palestinian entity that could form a state. Hamas is not going to be able to
00:58
form a state. It's too radioactive, too extreme, and that's not even its project. So ultimately,
01:05
Israel has a choice. Either it can go along with President Trump and enter into phase two, which,
01:14
as Noga just pointed out really well, will mean the end of the war. And that will mean, essentially,
01:20
the return of Hamas rule in Gaza, the one thing Israel said it would never accept. Or they can go
01:27
ahead and start scrambling to do the thing they've never done since the beginning of the war, which is
01:32
start arranging for an alternative, which would be a PLO-PA connected alternative regime in Gaza.
01:41
And they just don't know what to do. Or they could go back to the war, which would really infuriate
01:46
Donald Trump. Now, Marco Rubio was in Israel over the weekend, where he discussed Donald Trump's
01:52
plan to transfer the Palestinian population out of Gaza. This is ethnic cleansing. It's a non-starter
02:00
for Arab states. So why are we still talking about it if the only one on board is Benjamin Netanyahu?
02:06
Well, we're talking about it because the person who's blathering this gibberish is in the White
02:12
House, right? So that means that diplomats and government officials and journalists all over the
02:17
world have no choice but to take it seriously. I mean, he could say, and then we're going to
02:22
colonize Jupiter. And people would all run around talking about the feasibility of colonizing
02:29
Jupiter. It's about as remote as that. I think those of us who are not diplomats and government
02:35
officials ought to just do the public a favor and say, there's no Trump-Gaza plan, there's no
02:41
alternative Gaza plan. This is all just complete, you know, lysergic LSD nonsense, right?
02:49
What it is, is some sort of either negotiating ploy or bloviating, or maybe Trump is setting
03:00
up something for the West Bank, for annexation in the West Bank as compensation to Israel
03:06
when he tries to do a nuclear deal with Iran, which is a relatively light lift. It could be
03:11
something like that. But the Palestinians in Gaza are not going anywhere. There's nowhere for them
03:17
to go. Because it seems that Donald Trump would not want to put his ultimate goal, which is
03:22
normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia in jeopardy, given that Saudi Arabia has said
03:27
there won't be any normalization with Israel without a Palestinian state. So my view, honestly,
03:34
is that Saudi normalization has now taken a back seat to a deal with Iran. I think Saudi
03:40
normalization is a very heavy lift because it requires Israel to at least recognize the Palestinian
03:47
right to a state between the river and the sea, in what they call Eretz Israel, in Israel
03:54
and the occupied territories. The Israelis are not prepared to do that. And that's the minimum
03:59
the Saudis could take. And they're not going to do it. Whereas a deal with Iran is just sitting
04:05
there ready to be done. It's a very light lift at this point, because Trump needs it. The Iranians
04:12
need it. Both sides need it. And the only problem is it's going to infuriate the Israelis and their
04:19
evangelical and Jewish friends in the United States. So Trump has to compensate them with
04:24
something. And I think he's teeing up annexation in the West Bank. And all this talk about Gaza
04:31
just sets an atmosphere about Palestinians and their rights and their obligations and where
04:38
they should be and go and their land that can be then transferred into the West Bank from a fake
04:45
thing in Gaza that can't be done to a very real thing that can easily be done in the West Bank.
04:51
Hussein, talks to enter phase two of the current ceasefire that's in place were due to begin
04:57
two weeks ago. They haven't started. Netanyahu has been dragging his feet more so after he visited
05:02
his friend Donald Trump in the White House. But at the same time, it's been 500 days since those
05:07
hostages were taken into Gaza. Where's the sense of urgency on the part of the Israelis?
05:14
Well, there is one, in fact. It's there in the public, which wants all the hostages released.
05:21
And that means doing phase two, because all the hostages are released at the end of phase two,
05:27
which, as Noga pointed out in your package there, means the end of the war. And Netanyahu doesn't
05:35
want that. But you know who does? The Israeli public wants it. And the Israeli military wants
05:40
it, because right now they're fighting a war and they're bleeding soldiers. Every week they
05:46
lose several to an insurgency with no goal. There's no purpose here. There's no articulated
05:52
end. So they're pressuring him. Donald Trump is pressuring him because he wants all the hostages
05:58
out, which means phase two. Everybody's pressuring him except the ultra right in Israel, which he
06:06
relies on to stay in power. So he's in a complete bind. Everyone wants phase two except the people
06:12
he relies on to stay in power within the cabinet. He doesn't know what to do. So it's really a big
06:19
problem. And by the way, the ultimate question is, that means Israel would be making a strategic
06:25
choice to leave Hamas in power in Gaza. And that would mean a total failure of this devastating,
06:32
brutal, near-genocidal war that they fought for the past year and a half. And that's a terrible
06:37
thing. Because at the end of 15 months, what we have seen every time Hamas releases a batch of
06:43
hostages, it's demonstrating to the world with those Hollywood-style productions, which we've
06:48
seen, that they are very much in control. Of course. But there's no one else, because
06:54
Israel, they're in control because Israel decided to leave them in control. There has been an
06:59
alternative on the table since November of 2023. Since a few weeks after the war began,
07:07
everybody from the Americans to the Europeans to the Arabs and Asians and others were talking about
07:13
the need for an alternative civil administration in Gaza. But the problem for Israel is it would
07:20
be tied directly or indirectly back to Ramallah, back to the PLO and the PA. And they fear the PLO
07:27
and the PA more than they fear Hamas, because they are the ones who could create a Palestinian
07:32
state. And Hamas will not, because it's radioactive and it's not even Hamas' project to create a
07:38
Palestinian state. So they have preferred to leave Hamas in power. It's a strategic decision.
07:44
But I just want to jump in there, because the problem with the Palestinian Authority is,
07:48
does it have any legitimacy given Mahmoud Abbas's tenure, which has gone on forever?
07:56
Yeah. Okay. So the Palestinian Authority has a lot of legitimacy problems, but it has
08:04
legitimacy in the international community. He's not only the head of the PA, he's the head of the
08:10
PLO. And everyone, even Hamas, agrees that the PLO represents the Palestinians diplomatically.
08:17
And he is still the leading Palestinian. There's never been a leader of Hamas who could challenge
08:24
him as a national leader. And so despite all the crisis of legitimacy, you rightly point out,
08:31
yes, he could. And it wouldn't be him. It would be someone else like Salam Fayyad or
08:37
Mahmoud Al-Anon or some businessman or somebody who would be the titular head of a civic
08:42
administration. And it might even, to please the Israelis, be nominally independent. But in fact,
08:49
it would draw its legitimacy from the PLO, ultimately, leading back not just to Abbas,
08:54
but the whole wretched crew in Ramallah. But are they legitimate? Well, sure they are. Yes.
09:01
Hussein Ibish, thank you so much for joining us on the program today with your insights.
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