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'Right will win this election': Chile to see 'relatively conservative, pro-market' reforms in near-term
FRANCE 24 English
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00:00
They've counted the ballots, and the candidate of the united left is ahead
00:05
after the first round of Chile's presidential election.
00:10
However, she's only, Jeanette Jara, only ahead by three percentage points,
00:18
and she faces an uphill battle, what with the far-right's José Antonio Cost
00:23
finishing on 24 percent behind her 27 percent.
00:27
He's also received the endorsement of more mainstream conservatives.
00:32
What does this mean?
00:32
Well, Chile poised in the December 14th runoff for a return of the far-right
00:37
for the first days, for the first time since the days of coup leader Augusto Pinochet.
00:46
Do not let fear harden your hearts.
00:49
Fear is not worth it.
00:51
We must fight it by giving families more security,
00:53
not by inventing imaginary solutions in the minds of people who,
00:58
from one second to the next, come up with an idea more radical than the last.
01:03
I am sure that by working in unity with the different teams,
01:09
with the people who have represented the various currents of the center-right and the right,
01:13
we can recover and rebuild our homeland.
01:15
And for more, let's cross to Chicago.
01:20
Daniel Landsberg-Rodriguez, adjunct professor at the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University.
01:27
Thank you so much for being with us here on France 24.
01:31
Thank you, Francois.
01:32
Good to see you again.
01:33
Is this first-round result in Chile, one of the most stable countries in the Americas,
01:39
is this a sign that they're too, like in the UK, as we talked at the top of the hour,
01:45
people are just preoccupied with illegal migrants,
01:49
in Chile's case a lot of them coming from Venezuela,
01:52
or is it a case of people having a short memory when it comes to their own past?
01:59
Well, that's a great question.
02:04
Essentially, there's few things as predictable in life,
02:08
or let alone in Latin America, as Chilean elections.
02:13
Every four years, they switch from left to right.
02:17
It's sort of kind of, the system is sort of designed to work that way.
02:21
After Pinochet fell, you had basically sort of a one-party system,
02:26
but even within that party, you would be shifting from sort of a technocratic right
02:29
to a more sort of rights-focused left within the party.
02:34
When that system broke down, you've just had, for the last 20 years,
02:38
predictable shifts from left to right, left to right, often the same people.
02:43
What's happened in the last few years is that it's gotten truly polarized.
02:47
The left used to run Social Democrats, whereas Jeanette Haddad is a communist.
02:52
She's a member of the Communist Party, and the right used to run sort of,
02:58
you know, boring business-y types.
03:00
Now you have sort of firebrands, you know, anti-immigration,
03:06
strong social conservative rights,
03:10
to the point that you had two candidates that essentially fit that mold.
03:14
There is a generational element there.
03:16
The people who remember the Pinochet years are fewer.
03:21
But there's also sort of a strengthening ideology.
03:24
And I'd say the dominant factor,
03:27
and we saw this in the sort of surprise strength of the Partido de la Gente vote,
03:33
the Parisi people who, you know, really they're sort of a radical centrist block
03:38
that is motivated by just strong distrust of all institutions,
03:43
but sort of wants relatively moderate things when bold.
03:47
Those folks, you know, there's a sense of very strong,
03:53
you know, something between ennui and just wanting to burn the system down,
03:56
which is, you know, further polarizing things.
03:59
Because what used to be the moderate bloc has gone into sort of the disenfranchised bloc,
04:05
and then you have two polar opposites.
04:07
And so there's enough voters now who look at neighboring Argentina
04:11
and the chainsaw economics of Javier Millet and like what they see?
04:17
Well, yes.
04:18
And I think that that's by design.
04:20
I mean, if you see the sort of treatment that Millet is getting from the United States,
04:26
Noboa in Ecuador, you know, Bukele in El Salvador,
04:30
I mean, you have sort of a new sort of hemispheric system,
04:34
a bit like an old Persian satrapy,
04:37
in which you have essentially client states that are taken care of.
04:42
And then you have sort of, you know, enemy states like Venezuela right now,
04:46
or, you know, to a lesser extent, Colombia, sometimes Brazil,
04:49
that get hit much harder than they would have in times past.
04:53
And that creates a series of incentives to, you know,
04:57
have more right-wing leaders and have the right-wing leaders act a certain way,
05:02
sort of a little bit less, you know,
05:05
Sebastián Piñera and a little bit Trumpier.
05:07
And I think that we're sort of seeing that.
05:09
And a great case in Chile specifically is Chile is a country that's running out of people.
05:14
You know, Chileans don't have a lot of kids.
05:16
A lot of the kids they do have leave.
05:18
And at the same time, you have a very strong anti-immigrant backlash
05:23
in a country that, you know, kind of needs immigrants long-term,
05:27
particularly the Chilean rights,
05:28
because the only parts of Chile that are having kids are really tend to vote more left.
05:33
So it's interesting to see that the sort of sense of what,
05:38
you know, the sort of greater MAGAM orthodoxies, you know, key policies should be,
05:43
seems to be really guiding the policy prescriptions of the Chilean right.
05:48
That said, you know, the right is coming back.
05:51
I was going to say, and this promise by Jose Antonio Cast of mass deportation of immigrants,
05:59
most of those immigrants, Venezuelans.
06:02
Are Venezuelans really a problem in Chile?
06:08
Look, Chile is a country that is, it doesn't get a lot of immigration historically.
06:12
It's, you know, very isolated geographically.
06:14
Henry Kissinger famously referred to it as a, as a dagger threatening the heart of Antarctica.
06:20
You know, at the same time, so it's something that socially it does impact.
06:25
At the same time, most of the Venezuelans who are in Chile hate the left about as much as
06:30
caste does.
06:32
So you would, and Chile historically, since it hasn't had much immigration,
06:36
you can vote relatively quickly once you get there.
06:40
So there's a sort of self-defeating element.
06:43
At the same time, even though Chile, if you look at the actual crime statistics, it's,
06:48
you know, it's not that bad, particularly for Latin America.
06:51
You know, there is a very strong perception that things are worsening.
06:55
And that's something that's very much motivating a lot of sort of security concerns that, you
07:01
know, even without the clockwork, you know, alternation of left to right, which was the right
07:05
stern now, would have probably benefited the right and is probably benefiting the far right
07:11
over the sort of, you know, a rump remainder of the old institutional right, which we saw
07:18
in Erline Maté, you know, greatly underperforming expectations.
07:23
And Daniel, you're sitting in Chicago, where it's quite polarized these days as well, I'm
07:29
told, when it comes to, you know, ICE agents and the such.
07:34
Is that what just universally what works, an anti-immigrant message?
07:38
Well, I'm technically in Boston right now, but I think the parallel works for either.
07:47
An anti-immigrant message, yes.
07:49
There is a, I'd say, a strong sense of wanting to preserve a status quo that may never have
07:57
existed.
07:58
And immigration tends to be a very visible, you know, threatener of that.
08:01
I mean, in the last report that you were doing, you know, you were seeing it in the UK, you're
08:08
seeing it in the United States, you're seeing it in, you know, across Latin America, even
08:13
in Chile, which is a country that, as I mentioned, is running out of people, you know, these are
08:17
very strong, motivating, you know, factors.
08:22
And, you know, that's something that I think is, you know, spreading regionally in a very
08:27
strong way, and that, you know, again, it allows sort of for a sense of looming threat
08:34
that, you know, if you are the leader of a country where presidencies are structurally
08:39
very weak, like Chile, like Argentina, you know, that they're sort of whipping boys for
08:45
Congress and the courts, and, you know, you have to worry about impeachment, you have to
08:50
worry about not getting anything done through your agenda.
08:53
You know, that sense of manufacturing a crisis that will allow you to, you know, push through,
08:59
which is something Ecuador has done quite well up until last night with the referendum.
09:04
You know, that's something that I think is sort of the new playbook that a lot of these,
09:09
you know, countries are following.
09:11
And, you know, it's making the president stronger.
09:13
Where that ends long term, unclear, but, you know, right now they're legislating more than
09:18
they were before, and that's for sure.
09:19
All right.
09:20
So we know Augusto Pinochet in his days are, as you said at the outset, quietly being forgotten
09:26
by a younger generation.
09:28
How will Chileans remember the Gabriel Boric years?
09:34
So it's interesting.
09:36
Boric is very divisive in Chile.
09:38
If you look at Boric, I mean, at least, I mean, from the perspective of, you know, me,
09:43
a Venezuelan or, you know, my Colombian friends, Argentines who lived through Peronism,
09:49
you know, Boric in some ways is kind of the best case scenario.
09:52
If you're going to have a populist leftist, you know, he's not, you know, he's very institutionally
09:57
minded.
09:58
You know, he sometimes has to attack left because of, you know, folks in his coalition
10:02
like Hara, who pull him left.
10:04
But, you know, generally he's, you know, not that threatening.
10:08
But I'd say that when you talk to Chileans, even centrist Chileans, it's seen as a threat.
10:15
I'd say Chile, you know, they're very, it's a country that's very consciously aware of
10:22
their own exceptionalism.
10:24
You know, Chile is in a tough neighborhood and has had a pretty good run, at least economically
10:28
in the last, you know, 30, 40 years.
10:30
And it's something that they see is inherently fragile.
10:33
So, you know, there's a sense of sort of encroaching doom that, you know, would be hard
10:39
to recognize for other Latin Americans who've had to, you know, handle, you know, more, you
10:44
know, hard shifts from, you know, way too left to way too right and institutional breakdown.
10:51
You know, Chile's system has more or less muddled through.
10:54
And that's something that, you know, creates a sense of, you know, wanting to preserve it.
10:59
So I'd say that, you know, long-term Chileans, look, it's, it's, when countries don't really
11:06
know what they want to do moving forward, they tend to relitigate the past, particularly
11:10
in Latin America.
11:12
You know, in Chile, you can sort of tell when either, you know, the left or the right is
11:15
out of ideas or too weak to govern because they'll, you know, start, you know, talking
11:19
about whether Naruto was poisoned or not, or whether Allende committed suicide or not.
11:25
And I think that the newer generation is, is, is, is very tired of relitigating the past
11:31
and wants something more forward-looking.
11:32
And that's something that's playing into this.
11:34
And I, you know, the last thing I'd mention is that, you know, having traveled extensively
11:38
and working extensively in Latin America, Chile's Gen Z, though not very large, is probably sort
11:45
of more Gen Z than anybody else's Gen Z in terms of sort of the social change, the sort
11:53
of a, you know, how different they are from millennials and Gen X and the generations
11:59
that came before, you know, there was very much sort of a cultural break there.
12:03
And that's something that, as I mentioned, is, you know, long-term plays more for the
12:08
borages of this world than for the cast, most likely, based on sort of the polling, you
12:12
know, that we've seen and how that demographic votes.
12:15
So it'll be interesting to see, you know, if they don't bring in immigrants who vote right
12:21
and they don't have any more children, you know, there's a, you know, a sort of steady
12:27
sort of drift towards a more leftist Chile in, you know, 10, 15, 20 years, which, you
12:34
know, will be interesting to see and which is a pretty significant risk given the fact
12:38
that, you know, they will be rewriting the Constitution at some point because it still
12:41
has Pinochet's fingerprints on it.
12:43
And that's something that 80% of Chileans reject.
12:46
So, you know, it's, it is, you know, there is a long-term sort of a bear view from markets
12:54
as a result, but a very short-term bull view because the right will win this election.
13:00
They won't be able to legislate easily, but, you know, they can probably, you know, have
13:05
an easier time of it than the last few governments have, given, you know, what we can see of the
13:09
legislative math.
13:10
So we're going to see a lot of reforms and they're probably all going to be, you know, relatively
13:14
conservative and pro-market in the near term.
13:16
Daniel Lansberg-Rodriguez, always a pleasure.
13:18
Many thanks for joining us here on France 24.
13:21
Thank you, Francois.
13:22
Have a great day.
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