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En entrevista con El Espectador, el investigador Juan Pappier da a conocer los puntos centrales del informe sobre derechos humanos en Colombia que lanzó este jueves la ONG estadounidense. Les preocupan el aumento de las masacres, el fortalecimiento de los grupos armados irregulares y las agresiones a la protesta que se dieron en el paro nacional.

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00:00We have concerns about several factors of the rights of human rights in Colombia,
00:04but I would like to mention two that have been really the most serious ones in 2021.
00:11On one hand, the increase of violence by groups in the territories, in different remote areas of the country,
00:18the increase of suicides, the forced displacement,
00:21high rates of social leaders,
00:24social, which really are very important and put in risk the progress of the peace in some of these territories.
00:32And on the other hand, the police abuse against the national paro,
00:36which were really hechos that have no precedence in the recent history of Colombia.
00:41The US government Human Rights Watch public this 13th of January
00:46its annual report on the situation of human rights in the world,
00:49and Colombia once again closes.
00:51You say that the infractions of the international rights and the violations of human rights
00:58by both of the UN and the dissident of the FARC.
01:04Why do these attacks persist? Why do the population is still in danger?
01:08Why do these groups seem to be strengthened despite the peace agreement?
01:17What happened?
01:18Why do these groups have occurred?
01:19Look, these are criminal groups and irregulars and the first,
01:24or the responsibility directs in these violations to the international rights
01:28in these abuses and crimes of war, in some cases, correspond to these groups.
01:33And this has to do, many times, with the regional dynamics that have in the country.
01:36It's not the same as what happened in Nariño, what happened in Arauca or what happened in Cauca.
01:40But what we see at the national level are three big factors that explain the increase of violence.
01:45For one hand, the security policy of the government of Duque, which is not giving results,
01:51which is able to arrest or reduce the cabecillas, but does not improve the situation in the territories.
01:57For another hand, the implementation of the peace agreement.
01:59And finally, the pandemic. The pandemic has made in some territories that the employees abandon the regions.
02:06And those who really imposed the toques of queda, those who imposed the quarantines,
02:11and those who then left and took advantage of the pandemic to expand their control,
02:15were the armed groups.
02:15What recommendations do you give for a security policy that could be more effective?
02:22What would be those minimums?
02:24First, a security policy that is effective has to be part of the policy of the conflict with the FARC.
02:30The FARC no longer exists.
02:32Today, Colombia is not facing a great army, but facing a huge number of armed groups
02:39that have different regional dynamics.
02:43Second, we need to ensure that this security policy is based on the dismantlement.
02:47That means that combat the armed groups, yes, but also to face their legal economies,
02:52to face the waste of money, to face the corruption that allows these armed groups
02:56to flourish and have connections with the police officers, in some cases,
03:01in some cases, in some cases, local politicians, etc.
03:05And finally, we need to ensure a new policy of protection of the ciudadanian,
03:09which is not enough to be able to protect the armed groups,
03:12with panic buttons, with carros blindados.
03:15We need to protect the communities, protect all the communities in danger,
03:20and that has to be a central role of the security forces in Colombia.
03:23The mobilization of the paramilitaries during the government of Uribe
03:26was very high, had enormous failures, and allowed these groups to create.
03:32First, they created a huge number of groups that then were reduced,
03:35and currently the most important group is the Clan del Golf,
03:40or Autodefensas Aitanistas de Colombia, as they call them.
03:43The problem is that there is no clear policy to face this group.
03:46It is very good, and we say that the government of the President Duque
03:50has managed to arrest a Otoñel,
03:52but that is not finished with the Clan del Golf.
03:54What happens is that it substitutes a new commandment.
03:57So, we need a policy,
03:59we need a policy, a commitment to this group to the justice group,
04:02or a new policy to confront their criminal conflicts,
04:06their legal economies,
04:08the money that allows these groups to subsist in the country.
04:12Also, we need to make Otoñel's account against the justice.
04:15It would be grave, it would be worrying that,
04:17by the fact that he was extradited from the United States,
04:20he would not pay for the war crimes that is responsible in Colombia.
04:26The report also indicates the alarm for two phenomena of the war,
04:30which, for a long time, seemed to be disappearing,
04:32the reclutamiento forzado of children and the massacres.
04:36In both, there was an increase during 2021.
04:39We know reports of the aumento of the reclutamiento forzado,
04:42although, as you know, the reclutamiento forzado
04:44always has a huge register,
04:45because, many times, the families tem that they denuncie,
04:49the children can't kill or that they will not be able to return.
04:53Many times, they have the illusion of that they will be able to return
04:55to the armed groups to return to their children.
04:59The phenomenon of the reclutamiento forzado
05:01is a very grave phenomenon in Colombia,
05:02by all the armed groups.
05:04And, to finish with this phenomenon,
05:06there are some measures.
05:07First, a prevention in the communities,
05:11to be able to identify when there are communities
05:12where there is risk that there is a reclutamiento of armed groups
05:15and take the children of the areas
05:18and ensure that never the menors of age
05:20see the armed groups as a fuente of opportunities
05:24or as a fuente of work.
05:25And, second, a policy frente to the armed groups,
05:28a policy of the dismantlement of the armed groups,
05:31not a policy simply of arresting cabecillas,
05:34because that, to now, the only thing that has done
05:35is that the violence that changes the commanders,
05:39but it has not ended with the armed groups.
05:41It has allowed to continue to grow and reclutate in many areas of the country.
05:45In 2021, there was a number of massacres
05:48that no one had seen since 2014.
05:53What factors influenced that Colombia
05:57was in this scenario that seems like a retrocese in human rights?
06:01What we see in terms of the massacres
06:03is that the massacres began to descend
06:05from the year 2012, with the beginning of the process of peace.
06:09They descend clearly,
06:12perhaps, to their point of view,
06:14in 2016 and 2017,
06:15and since then they started to increase.
06:18Today, the level of massacres in Colombia
06:20is approaching,
06:21it is still not yet,
06:22but it is approaching the level that existed in 2012 and 2011.
06:25It is to say, we have lost, or we have lost,
06:28the benefits of the peace agreement
06:30in terms of the diminution of massacres.
06:32That is very serious.
06:33And this is explained by the confrontations of the groups,
06:37by the efforts of the groups
06:38to send messages to the communities
06:41and to terrorize the communities,
06:43and in general,
06:44it is explained by a policy of security
06:45that, again,
06:47has not given results.
06:48For Human Rights Watch,
06:50it is also important
06:50the violence that is lived in Colombia
06:52during the protests of the Paro Nacional
06:55that began the 28th of April of 2021,
06:57with protests that would demand
06:59the tax reform proposed by the government of Iván Duque.
07:02In Colombia,
07:03do you respect the right to the protest during the Paro of 2021?
07:07No, look,
07:08in Colombia,
07:08se violó el derecho a la protesta pacífica
07:10during the Paro of 2021.
07:11What we saw was a police brutality
07:16without precedence in the recent history of Colombia.
07:18Look,
07:18we documented the responsibility of the police,
07:22the police,
07:23the police,
07:24in at least 25 missiles.
07:27We documented,
07:28we have information
07:29of about 60 cases of lesions oculares,
07:33and many cases of the police.
07:33We know cases
07:34of hundreds of detentions arbitrarily or abusive,
07:37many times,
07:38under the figure of the
07:38traslado for protection,
07:40this figure that is in the code of police
07:42and that is presta
07:43to all types of detentions arbitrarily
07:44without control judicial due.
07:46And also some cases
07:48of sexual violence
07:49against the manifestants
07:50and transseúntes
07:51in the majority of women.
07:53These are cases that are not isolated,
07:55but we don't believe that they are sistematic,
07:58but we believe that they are sistemic,
07:59that reflect the problems
08:00of the police
08:02that have to do with lack of control,
08:04that have to do with the military
08:05of the police,
08:06that have to do with lack of discipline
08:08adequate
08:10against the police
08:10that commit abuse.
08:12A pesar of the
08:12panorama
08:13preocupant,
08:14the organization
08:14has also pointed out
08:15advances in human rights
08:16in Colombia,
08:17which have been consolidated
08:18during 2021.
08:19I think there are two good news
08:21in Colombia this year,
08:22in 2021,
08:23that it is worth mentioning.
08:24One is the work of the JEP,
08:26which I think has done a very important work,
08:28very valuable work,
08:29that we have to continue to support.
08:32And on the other hand,
08:34another good decision,
08:35which is the most important legacy
08:37that will leave Duke
08:38in terms of human rights,
08:39is the TPS for the Venezuelans.
08:42I think that it is a good policy,
08:43that it is worth mentioning
08:45by the government of the President Duque.
08:47I think that that will be the best
08:48that leave the President Duque
08:50in his presidency.
08:52And we welcome and we celebrate.
08:55Look, Colombia is not
08:59Nicaragua,
08:59Venezuela,
09:00or Cuba, of course.
09:01Those are the three dictaduras
09:02that we have in the region
09:03and Colombia is very far from it.
09:04Colombia is not
09:08a situation like the one that
09:09has El Salvador,
09:10where El Salvador is going
09:12to turn into a dictatorship.
09:13It is an autocracy
09:14due to the attack
09:16of the democratic institutions
09:18of Nayib Bukele.
09:19In Colombia, there is a democracy,
09:21there is a democracy
09:21from many years ago,
09:23a democracy with enormous difficulties
09:24and enormous challenges,
09:26and we have efforts,
09:27lamentablement,
09:28that are looking to
09:29debilitate that democracy
09:30instead of strengthening it.
09:31in the world to be made,
09:39Now you can use raw ingredients
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