- hace 4 semanas
Este capítulo de “Lo sé de memoria” aborda la participación de las mujeres en la vida pública de Colombia a partir del siglo XX. Un recorrido por la Ley 28 de 1932, que permitió a las mujeres administrar sus bienes, y las reformas educativas de 1933, que facilitaron su acceso a la educación superior. El derecho al voto, obtenido en 1954 y ejercido en 1957. La Constitución de 1991, que estableció la igualdad de derechos, y abrió puertas para una mayor representación política femenina. Así mismo, explora los movimientos feministas y colectivos que han visibilizado las desigualdades e inequidades de género. A través de este episodio vemos testimonios y material de archivo, que demuestran que la participación de las mujeres en la vida pública ha sido un catalizador para el fortalecimiento de nuestra democracia, así como para el desarrollo económico, social y político en Colombia.
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00:11In 2022, Colombia chose for the first time
00:15a woman afro and leader of the Pacific Colombian as vice president.
00:21Many citizens voted for their political project
00:25because they believed in their struggle for the environment and social rights.
00:29The biggest percentage of voters in this election was women,
00:35which, among other things, have been increasing our electoral participation
00:39in a sustainable way.
00:42What today is something normal for everyone,
00:45that women can choose and be elected,
00:49was not a century ago.
00:51Do you know the facts of our history
00:53that we, women, have participation in the public sphere?
00:57No problem.
01:00I will tell you that
01:02because that
01:02the women in Colombia
01:09were not citizens with rights
01:11since the beginning of the time.
01:13No, gentlemen.
01:15Our rights
01:15had to win
01:16for organization and struggle
01:18against gender discrimination
01:20that for a long time
01:22we consider ourselves inferior.
01:24To understand it well,
01:26we are going to return
01:27in the time
01:28almost a century.
01:29What is common
01:30in the situation
01:32of the women
01:32of the 1930s
01:33in Colombia
01:34is that
01:35they were not recognized
01:36as citizens
01:37given the existence
01:38of the Constitution
01:38of 1886,
01:41which was recognized
01:43fundamentally
01:43as men
01:44as citizens.
01:46The women,
01:47in the meantime,
01:47they were not.
01:49Colombia
01:49was a country
01:50in which
01:51the rural world
01:52was predominant.
01:53the rural world
01:54and in the rural world
01:56the women
01:57and the young women
01:58were committed
02:00to the relationship
02:01practically
02:02of service.
02:03On the other hand,
02:05the women
02:05of the urban world
02:07were already
02:08in the process
02:09of industrialization
02:11in cities
02:12like Medellín,
02:13Cartagena
02:14or in Bogotá.
02:15The women
02:16and the young women
02:16enjoyed other opportunities,
02:18as well as
02:21women
02:22as well as
02:24as well as
02:24in the textiles
02:25or in
02:26factories
02:28subjected
02:28to labor
02:30and even
02:31abuse
02:32sexual
02:32as is also
02:33documented.
02:35In Colombia,
02:36women
02:36who had
02:38had great
02:39protagonism
02:40in independence
02:41were almost
02:42completely
02:43relegated
02:44to the
02:44work of
02:46the
02:46in the
02:4719th century
02:48there was
02:48a legal figure
02:50called
02:51marital
02:52because
02:53natural
02:54women
02:56was
02:56the
02:56marriage institution
02:58because
02:59its natural role
03:00was to be
03:02mothers
03:02and spouses.
03:04That marital
03:05marital
03:05didn't allow
03:06to take
03:07decisions
03:07for them.
03:09The decisions
03:09had to take
03:11the husband
03:11to have
03:13all
03:13the
03:13of the
03:15people
03:16and
03:16their
03:16rights.
03:17They
03:18were
03:19tutelated
03:19by their
03:20parents.
03:21But
03:21happened
03:22something
03:22unexpected
03:23and subtle
03:23and
03:24served
03:24as
03:25as
03:25as
03:25as
03:25as
03:27as
03:27as
03:28as
03:28as
03:28as
03:28as
03:29as
03:29as
03:41protagonists.
03:42Ofelia
03:43Uribe de Acosta
03:43y Georgina Fletcher
03:45lideraron
03:46what
03:46was called
03:47the
03:47fourth
03:47international
03:48women
03:49in 1930.
03:52Georgina Fletcher
03:53in the
03:54fourth
03:54international
03:54women
03:56desempeñó
03:57a crucial role.
03:57was
03:58one of the
03:59organizers
04:00that
04:01was part of
04:03one of the
04:04organizations
04:04that
04:05implemented
04:06this
04:06congress.
04:07She participated
04:07with a
04:08presentation
04:08about the
04:10cultural development
04:11of the
04:12women.
04:13She
04:14implemented
04:14the
04:15history
04:17of
04:19women
04:20as
04:21testimony
04:23of
04:24her
04:24political
04:25and social
04:26in different
04:27times
04:28of
04:28history.
04:29For example,
04:31the women
04:32participated in
04:33independence.
04:34On the other hand,
04:35Ophelia Uribe de Acosta
04:36expressed
04:37a
04:38article
04:39about the
04:40rights of
04:40women
04:40to manage
04:42their own
04:43rights.
04:43It was
04:44controversial,
04:46but it was
04:47one of the
04:48articles
04:48that had
04:48effects
04:49more
04:50inmediatos,
04:51because
04:52in 1932
04:54there was
04:54a law
04:55that recognized
04:57women
04:57the right
04:59to manage
05:00their
05:00heritage.
05:01With this
05:02law,
05:03the
05:03law 28
05:04of 1932,
05:06women
05:06could
05:06inherit
05:07their
05:07rights,
05:08and access
05:10to
05:11economic resources
05:12independently.
05:14Despite
05:14what
05:15the
05:16women
05:16knew
05:18that
05:19this
05:19was not
05:19enough,
05:21there was
05:21something
05:21fundamental to
05:22advance,
05:23access to
05:25education.
05:25the
05:26women
05:28of
05:29the
05:29children
05:30and
05:31there was
05:32a difference between
05:33the
05:33children and
05:35children.
05:36The
05:37access to
05:37the
05:37children
05:38had to do with
05:39families.
05:41We have to
05:42consider
05:42that there was
05:43public education,
05:44the
05:45funding was
05:47deficient,
05:48and there were
05:50private schools.
05:50in
05:50private schools,
05:53children and
05:54children
05:54received very
05:57different plans
05:59because the
05:59education of the
06:00children was
06:02directed to
06:03become better
06:04mothers,
06:05better
06:06spouses,
06:06and better
06:07families.
06:07The
06:08access of
06:09women
06:09to
06:10superior education
06:10was
06:11restricted in
06:12Colombia for
06:13much more time than
06:14other countries.
06:16This
06:17a
06:18absurd
06:18perception
06:19that
06:20is
06:20in
06:22the
06:23university
06:24for the
06:25quality of
06:26men.
06:28Why?
06:30Because
06:31women
06:31were a
06:32distraction
06:32for their
06:33friends.
06:34Yes,
06:35women
06:36were seen
06:37as mere objects
06:39of desire.
06:40The
06:40perfume
06:41of
06:41women
06:41was
06:42a
06:43woman
06:45of
06:45women
06:47women
06:48who
06:48could
06:48rights
06:55because
06:57women
06:58were
06:59shocked.
07:00That
07:01could
07:01be
07:01women
07:01could
07:10be
07:11could access to the university, could access to the profession that they wanted,
07:16but the women could only access to what we could call feminine professions.
07:22So, there is social work, there is the doctor,
07:26to be a teacher, to be a teacher.
07:29Yes, I know what you're thinking.
07:31They were careers that had to do with the care and administration,
07:35because they believed that women were only for those services.
07:39The liberal professions were already later, like medicine,
07:45the oncology, the right, but they were very restricted.
07:49They didn't have the freedom to choose their profession.
07:54The activism of women's women's IV International Women
07:58also achieved that the President Enrique Olaya Herrera
08:02expedite the Decreto 1972-1933,
08:06which opened the doors of the superior education for women in Colombia.
08:12The achievements achieved until that time,
08:15the women realized how much they could be able to achieve
08:18if they participated in political decisions.
08:22There they realized how important it was to acquire a right that we didn't have,
08:27the choice and to be chosen.
08:30How would it be little important that women decide on our governments,
08:35even though we didn't even have a certificate.
08:38Although in 1944,
08:41there was a reformation under the government of Alfonso López Pumarejo,
08:45that allowed women to accept public roles,
08:48there was no contemplation of our suffrage.
08:51But in 1947,
08:54thanks to the pressure that were made by hundreds of women
08:56who belonged to the female women in Colombia,
09:00it began to debate the possibility of that women vote.
09:05There was a association called the Unión de Ciudadanos,
09:08founded by Doña María Curria de Haya,
09:11by Esmeralda Borea de Uribe,
09:13by Josefina Valencia,
09:14who was the first woman paianese,
09:16the governor of the Cauca,
09:17and the first minister of education,
09:19the first woman in a public employment.
09:24This historical act,
09:26in which for the first woman is designated to occupy a carter in Colombia,
09:31has sparked a great enthusiasm in all the social spheres,
09:34as it has been fulfilled one of the biggest hopes of the Colombian woman
09:38to have a direct intervention of the public life of the country.
09:42Those women fought with Cecilia Obregón de López,
09:45with Graciela Samper, with Gloria Valencia,
09:48they were women who militated in the streets,
09:50that they manifested for that there was equality,
09:54equality of employment, equality of opportunities.
09:58This movement was not only looking for the incorporation
10:01of international commitments in pro of the rights of women,
10:05but it was also taking incredible battles to ensure the female vote.
10:10After that, finally, it was achieved.
10:14In the framework of the Constituent National Assembly,
10:17more than 3.000 women signed a letter
10:20demanding the civil rights and political rights for the Colombianas.
10:25This led to that the President Rojas Pinilla
10:27to name four women, Josefina Valencia, Teresa Santamaría, Esmeralda Arboleda
10:34and María Currea, to integrate this Asamblea.
10:36It was like, in 1954, the Constitutional Reform
10:43that gave us the Colombianas the right to suffrage.
10:48I think it was very strange because I think Colombia is the only country
10:52in the world that can achieve the vote of women in a military dictatorship,
10:57during the military dictatorship of Rojas Pinilla.
11:03That always strange me because I think it's the only experience in the world,
11:07in the real world.
11:08But it seems that Rojas Pinilla needed a referendum
11:11and needed the vote of women.
11:14So there is a first legislative legislative act of 1954
11:18and the women voted for the first time in 1957.
11:22In fact, Rojas Pinilla lost the referendum.
11:25The perfect distribution of places and the sense of organization
11:28collaborated on the guarantee and security of the votes
11:31of the farmer, the farmer and the woman,
11:34which for the first time in the history of Colombia
11:36has been presented to the table.
11:38In the future, things changed.
11:41The candidates that were elected
11:43were not only for the men's decision,
11:46but also for the women's decision.
11:52From the 60s to the 90s,
11:55there were many hits for women in the international level.
11:59The Estudiant Revolution of May of 1968
12:02set a precedent in terms of the rights sexual and reproductive rights
12:07of women in Europe.
12:09The anti-conceptive women arrived.
12:11The minifalda, the pantalons,
12:13the legal abortion,
12:14and the whole movement that gave the woman
12:17much more autonomy on her body and sexuality.
12:21It was a whole revolution.
12:24I would say that it was mainly a wake-up
12:27of the women's question,
12:28thanks to the international decade
12:30of women decretated by the United Nations,
12:33between the 75 and the 85,
12:36which forced the countries of the world,
12:38who really belong to the United Nations,
12:41to respond to the feminine condition in the country.
12:45It was very important,
12:47because it was the first time we started to have
13:17cifras about how women lived.
13:19It was born in the National University.
13:21The group was founded in the Faculty of Human Sciences,
13:24and it was founded in 1986.
13:27It was the first feminist group that was born
13:31in a public university in Colombia,
13:34the National University.
13:34Then there will be in the Valle, in Antioquia,
13:37etc., and others.
13:38But really, in the 1980s,
13:40the group of women in society,
13:42with women of social work, sociologists,
13:45women of historians, etc.
13:48The National University is also the place
13:50where the academic feminism was born,
13:53where there are investigations,
13:55where we start to write books,
13:57where there are data,
13:58where the historians start to say,
14:00I'm going to take care of the women in the colony.
14:02Nobody had thought about that before.
14:04In the history department,
14:06it was full of patriarchs, professors.
14:09Nobody thought it was interesting
14:10a little bit about the private life.
14:12That was all very interesting,
14:14but it was really thanks to some feminists
14:17who started to ask new questions
14:20to the social science.
14:22Until the Constitution came in 1991,
14:26which put the country in the country
14:28with the international advances
14:29in terms of human rights,
14:31including the rights of women.
14:35Of course, when talking about the Constitution of 1991,
14:39everyone remembers the three constituenters
14:41that proclaimed it, Horacio Serpa,
14:44Álvaro Gómez Hurtado
14:45and Antonio Navarro Wolf.
14:47But few people know that there were
14:49women, four.
14:51Only four women among 74 constituenters.
14:55Almost 5 percent.
14:58They made it valer our voice and our rights
15:01for that they were placed in that new
15:04political card that we have from then.
15:09The Constitutional Assembly was fundamental
15:12for feminists in Colombia.
15:14We joined us as a group of feminists feminists,
15:18as groups, as groups, as groups,
15:21as independent feminists,
15:24trying to incite in that Constitutional Assembly,
15:28which was a very important moment in the history of Colombia.
15:30We opened several doors to work.
15:34We started talking about equality for women and men.
15:37We talked about the possibility of having positive actions
15:41to be able to eliminate the discrimination
15:44that we had before women had.
15:46and that was the possibility of the law of quotas
15:49and all those future laws.
15:52We also had the possibility of opening the door
15:56so that the state of Colombia was responsible
15:59of what happened with women in the house.
16:03So, we could talk about the intrafamiliar violence
16:06as a crime.
16:07This is very important for women.
16:10And we also left the doors open
16:12for the possibility of women to have the right
16:15to decide on our bodies.
16:18We formed a group called Red, Mujer y Constituyente,
16:22to incite in the Constituyente,
16:25to bring proposals,
16:27to make reunions with the Constituyentes,
16:30to bring annotations, information.
16:33When we see that we have in the Constituyente
16:36some important points that we have to develop,
16:40then, in 1992, we took the decision
16:43in a large assembly of that we are a national network
16:47and we started working on the regulation
16:51of those laws or articles that had left in the Constituyente.
16:55The initial objectives were violence against women
16:58and political participation.
17:00The Constitution of 1991
17:02brought with us
17:03some rights that have impacted women
17:05positively.
17:07One of them was the Ley de Cuotas,
17:10established in the beginning of the new millennium
17:12in the year 2000.
17:14In the year 2000, the Congress adopted,
17:17by the leadership of many women of all parties,
17:21that it was a obligation in the state
17:23that the 30% of the decisions
17:27were carried out by women,
17:30decisions.
17:31Sometimes, for the incumplification,
17:34it's not that there are more than 30% or 35%.
17:37It's not about the basic charges,
17:38but the decision.
17:39That's the law that sought to recognize
17:41the need of women in power.
17:44The laws of cuotas have a sense of time,
17:47for a long time,
17:48and now we have to adopt
17:49and we will release a law of parity.
17:52It's up to the 30% to the 50%.
17:54It's important to guarantee
17:56measures for women in the decision
17:59and in all political participation,
18:01because it's recognizing the reality
18:02of a deficit.
18:03Although we are the half or more of the population,
18:05we have been excluded from power.
18:08No matter the political tendency,
18:10there has been an absence of
18:12many women in that level.
18:13That's why it's clear.
18:15Fruto of the same constitution
18:17and the work of other women,
18:1910 years later,
18:21the law of care care in Colombia,
18:24a law that recognizes
18:25that the invisible work that we do
18:28women in the home
18:29generates inequalities in the roles of gender
18:31and an additional charge
18:33when we enter the labor market.
18:36In the words of the feminist Sylvia Federici,
18:40that what they call love is work,
18:42no pay.
18:43The law 1413-2010
18:45allowed to measure the economy
18:46of the care care in Colombia
18:47and to visualize the sexual division
18:49of the work that there is around it.
18:51Thanks to this law, we have data
18:53like, for example, that women
18:54destinated 8 hours and 15 minutes
18:56a day to these jobs,
18:57while the men only 3 hours,
18:59or that we do more than the men.
19:02Or, for example,
19:03it allowed to measure and dimension
19:04that if these jobs were paid,
19:06they would be equal to 20%
19:08of the capital capital of the country.
19:10For example,
19:11above any economic sector,
19:12the commerce,
19:13the oil,
19:14which in theory has been
19:15like the great locomotor
19:17of the development.
19:18Colombia is the first country
19:19in Latin America
19:20to have, by law,
19:22the requirement to measure
19:23the economy of the care.
19:24The country has already made three cuts
19:26and, unfortunately,
19:29every time to measure,
19:30the women's times are greater,
19:31which shows that the country
19:33needs to establish
19:34political policies
19:35to redistribute
19:36these care care.
19:38That Colombia today
19:40have these advances
19:40in the recognition
19:42of the care care
19:42as a right
19:43or in constituting
19:44a national care care
19:45that recognizes the rights
19:46of the people who care
19:47and require care
19:48has been, of course,
19:50thanks to the struggle
19:51of the social movement
19:52and the feminists
19:53and the movement
19:54of the care care people.
19:56Colombia has today,
19:57for example,
19:59strengthened its syndicates
20:00of domestic workers,
20:01of nurses,
20:02of community mothers,
20:04of people with disabilities,
20:06that have been having
20:07some political conquests
20:09because of their social struggle.
20:10So I would like to highlight
20:12that today
20:14it is one of the countries
20:14where that movement
20:16is consolidating
20:17and is exiging
20:18against the state
20:19the rights for people
20:21care.
20:22But we will be back
20:23a little bit.
20:24In 2008,
20:26there was a law
20:27that reiterated
20:27that the rights of women
20:28are also human rights.
20:31I know,
20:33it is absurd
20:34that we have to reiterate
20:35like if women
20:36were not human beings.
20:38But it is that
20:39we are violent
20:39and we kill them.
20:41So,
20:42there was a law
20:43that was a tool
20:44to justify
20:46all the forms
20:47of violence
20:48against women.
20:49However,
20:51the violence
20:51has continued
20:52and of the way
20:54infamous.
20:55Do you remember
20:55the attack
20:56against the journalist
20:57Jeanette Bedoya
20:58or the crime
20:59against Rosalvira
21:00Selly?
21:01Well,
21:02this one
21:02gave birth to the
21:03law of feminicidio
21:04in 2015.
21:06The law of feminicidio
21:08is necessary
21:09because it is not a simple
21:10murder or homicide
21:12that is a grave crime
21:13to any person.
21:14The mobiles,
21:16the intentions,
21:17the circumstances
21:18and the conditions
21:19that there are
21:20behind a feminicidio
21:21almost always,
21:21in the majority of the cases,
21:23are in the hands of the
21:24couple or the ex-parej.
21:26It is to say
21:26that there is a law
21:27machista
21:27of feminicidio
21:28with me
21:29or with me
21:30or with me.
21:31No can have a decision
21:33for example
21:33of not being with me
21:34or with me.
21:35The feminicidio
21:36is the last
21:37of the law
21:37before.
21:37Before there was
21:38sexual,
21:39physical,
21:40emotional,
21:41economic,
21:42torture.
21:43That is why
21:43the feminicidio
21:44recognizes
21:45these variables.
21:46The feminicidio
21:47against men
21:48usually
21:50have a motivation
21:51of riña,
21:52of plate,
21:52of plata,
21:54but here
21:54there is a sexual factor
21:56of gender
21:57against women
21:58against women.
21:59The laws of Rosa
22:00Elvira Sely
22:01and Natalia Ponce
22:02are vital
22:02because they are
22:03emblematic cases
22:04that cannot
22:05continue to happen.
22:06One,
22:06victim of feminicidio
22:07and the other,
22:08Natalia,
22:09victim of
22:11women
22:11and the other,
22:13women
22:14who want to
22:15possess
22:16and not accept
22:18the freedom
22:19and the decision
22:20of them
22:20to not be
22:22with these
22:22victims.
22:22And that's why
22:23these two
22:24laws are vital
22:24in our country,
22:26because it's
22:26to put
22:26name,
22:27to recognize,
22:28to force
22:28the legislature,
22:30the judges,
22:30the families,
22:31the society,
22:32recognize and
22:33identify
22:34that
22:34macabre
22:35that women
22:36suffer
22:36from their
22:37condition.
22:38Sin embargo,
22:40hay unos vacíos
22:41en el conocimiento,
22:43principalmente en las regiones,
22:45de estas normatividades,
22:47tanto de los funcionarios
22:48como de las comunidades
22:50en general.
22:50Y esos vacíos hoy redundan
22:52en que se siguen presentando
22:54asesinatos y en menor medida
22:57algunos ataques con ácido
22:59a las mujeres.
23:00Una problemática también estructural
23:02que se está presentando
23:03principalmente en las regiones
23:05es que no estamos llamando
23:06a las violencias
23:07que viven las mujeres
23:08por su nombre,
23:09ejemplo de los feminicidios.
23:11Aún se sigue hablando
23:13por parte de autoridades
23:14y de la comunidad en general
23:16sobre el crimen pasional,
23:18como si a las mujeres
23:19nos asesinaran por pasión
23:20y no por el hecho de ser mujeres.
23:23Muchas personas se preguntarán
23:25por qué es importante
23:26que las demandas de las mujeres
23:28salgan en los medios de comunicación,
23:30por qué es importante
23:31que llamemos a las cosas
23:32por su nombre.
23:33Y realmente es por qué
23:35la comunicación tiene el poder
23:37de transformar realidades
23:38porque es desde donde creamos
23:40el mundo simbólico donde vivimos.
23:43Muchos de los estereotipos
23:44en los que vivimos,
23:46muchos de los imaginarios de violencia
23:47se crean a través de la repetición
23:50que se generan desde los medios,
23:52desde el entretenimiento.
23:53Entonces, ahí mismo tenemos la oportunidad
23:56también de crear otros referentes,
23:58de crear otros códigos
24:00y de empezar a llamar las cosas
24:01como las debemos llamar.
24:02En Colombia, entre otras fechas importantes
24:05para las luchas femeninas,
24:07conmemoramos cada 25 de noviembre
24:10el Día Internacional de la Eliminación
24:12de la Violencia contra las Mujeres.
24:14Uno de los aspectos importantes
24:16en el tema de comunicaciones
24:17son los símbolos.
24:19Estos símbolos que permiten que nos identifiquemos,
24:22estos símbolos que permiten ver lo colectivo.
24:25Uno de ellos es, por ejemplo,
24:26el pañuelo verde que simboliza todo
24:28la lucha que tenemos
24:30por la defensa del derecho al aborto.
24:32Pero también hay otras cosas
24:34como las fechas emblemáticas
24:35de las que cada vez la gente se apropia más.
24:38El 25 de noviembre nace,
24:40en homenaje a las hermanas Mirabal,
24:42activistas que son asesinadas
24:45por reclamar sus derechos.
24:46Y en un encuentro feminista
24:48en América Latina y el Caribe,
24:49las mujeres empiezan a proponer
24:51que este sea una fecha importante,
24:54que sea una fecha en la que hagamos
24:55este llamado global.
24:57Y posteriormente, Naciones Unidas
24:59lo reconoce como un día internacional.
25:02Pero realmente lo más importante
25:04es que la gente sepa que es un trabajo continuo,
25:07que es un tema cotidiano
25:09y también que la gente sepa que puede hacer cosas.
25:11Porque a veces la gente siente que
25:14la violencia contra las mujeres está muy lejana
25:16y todo lo contrario.
25:17La violencia contra las mujeres está muy cercana
25:20y todas las personas tenemos que actuar
25:23para que podamos avanzar
25:25en la eliminación de esta violencia.
25:33Hoy, la figura de mujeres como Francia Márquez,
25:38Aurora Vergara, son fundamentales en la representatividad
25:44de las mujeres negras para poder transformar lo que somos.
25:49Un ejemplo, hoy, mi sobrina me habla
25:53que ella quiere ser como Francia Márquez,
25:56que ella le gustaría ser como Aurora Vergara.
25:58Y eso para mí es fundamental.
26:00Cuando yo era una niña, mi referente era Blanquita.
26:04Blanquita que estaba en la televisión
26:06y que representaba el trabajo de las mujeres domésticas.
26:11Hoy tenemos unas figuras que representan poder,
26:15que representan tomas de decisiones importantes
26:18y trascendentales en el país.
26:20Por eso, esas figuras se convierten en un aliciente
26:25para transformar los sueños de las niñas
26:30y de las mujeres negras de este país.
26:33Como te habrás dado cuenta,
26:35ser mujer en Colombia no es nada fácil.
26:37Nos hemos enfrentado a muchas barreras arraigadas en la cultura,
26:42pero gracias a las luchas de mujeres
26:44en distintos momentos de nuestra historia,
26:47hemos logrado conquistar derechos
26:49que hoy nos hacen la vida más equitativa y digna.
26:54Eso sin contar los logros en materia de derechos sexuales
26:59y reproductivos, como el derecho al aborto,
27:02que asegura que las mujeres podamos decidir en libertad
27:05sobre nuestros cuerpos.
27:08Hoy en día tenemos a grupos de activistas, organizaciones,
27:12académicas, medios de comunicación feministas,
27:15lideresas y mujeres en cargos políticos
27:19que siguen luchando para que el Estado garantice plenamente
27:23nuestros derechos y que además se vuelven referentes
27:27para las nuevas generaciones.
27:29Pero aún quedan muchos retos por delante.
27:33A través de la educación y la construcción de nuevas narrativas,
27:36se debe incluir a las mujeres de las regiones históricamente excluidas.
27:42Así, avanzaremos hacia la construcción de una sociedad en la que ser mujer
27:47sea sinónimo de una vida digna y libre de violencias.
27:51¿No te parece?
28:21No te parece?
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