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Ukraine must be allowed into NATO, Lithuanian defence minister tells Euronews
euronews (in English)
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28/10/2024
Lithuanian Defence Minister Laurynas Kasčiūnas told Euronews' The Europe Conversation that Ukraine's path to NATO membership should not be in doubt.
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00:00
Ukrainian President Zelensky held frank conversations with his European counterparts and NATO allies
00:14
about the need to get behind his victory plan, but will the West eventually regret not heeding
00:19
his calls?
00:20
For the Europe Conversation, my catch up with Lithuanian Defence Minister, Laurinas Kačiūnas.
00:25
Well, Minister Laurinas Kačiūnas, Minister of Defence for Lithuania, thanks very much
00:31
for joining us on this special event.
00:33
Great pleasure.
00:34
This NATO Defence Ministers' Meeting, we're here in NATO studios for the Europe Conversation
00:39
on Euronews.
00:40
It has been a momentous week in Brussels.
00:44
President Zelensky was at the European Council, he was here briefing you all on his victory
00:48
plan.
00:49
What was your reaction to it?
00:51
Very positive reaction.
00:52
It was good what we have planned.
00:55
Of course, in the plan there's many important details.
00:58
So first moment which I should mention, you know, Lithuania always supported Ukraine's
01:04
invitation into the NATO.
01:06
Because in our understanding, you cannot send a message to Russia that we have at least
01:12
informal veto power on NATO enlargement.
01:15
It's the biggest mistake.
01:17
Every nation which fights for their independence but also fights for our security deserves,
01:25
you know, determination right.
01:27
Which organisation, which community to choose for the future.
01:31
For their children, for, you know, for the generations.
01:34
So that's why invitation is not membership.
01:37
But it's a point of no return.
01:40
It's irreversibility.
01:42
So I think we can do with move.
01:46
At least invitation.
01:47
I mean, there's more than just hesitancy around this invitation to NATO for Ukraine.
01:54
Because what they were given was this, quote, indestructible bridge towards membership but
01:58
not an invitation.
01:59
The United States is not too keen and countries like Slovakia and Hungary are actively hostile
02:04
to that.
02:05
Yeah, we know.
02:06
But, you know, we need to find a compromise formulation, formula.
02:12
But you know, I think it's a question, first of all, for our big allies, you know, because
02:20
just warnings about irreversibility, bridges, sorry, is not working.
02:26
We need actions.
02:27
If we will not make actions, you know, I remember the story before the full-scale war.
02:35
In 2017, 2018, after Crimea and after Donbass, we Baltics always said, give more weapons
02:43
to Ukraine for deterrence.
02:45
If Ukraine will be strong, Russia will be deterred.
02:50
And we heard a lot of voices from our friends, look, if you will give the weapons to Ukraine,
02:56
it will escalate.
02:59
It will provoke.
03:01
And we gave not enough for them.
03:03
And you see what happened.
03:05
Doing nothing is escalatory.
03:07
Thinking what you, you know, your support to Ukraine can escalate the situation, it's
03:13
a mistake.
03:15
And I hope, you know, we will understand our mistakes.
03:18
Well, what about the hesitancy then from the United States, from the UK, in relation to
03:23
long-range weapons into Russian territory, and Chancellor Schulz of Germany point-blank
03:28
ruling it out ever?
03:31
I understand there are internal things.
03:33
We are democracies.
03:35
We have elections.
03:36
Russia does not have elections, fake elections.
03:40
So authoritarian regimes can be effective in some kind of decision-making.
03:46
We are depending on cycles, we are depending on societal approaches, and you know what's
03:51
happening in some Western societies, rising for right, talking about peace, not even thinking
04:00
what does it mean, peace, under these conditions which now exist.
04:04
It will be unjust peace, which will lead to another war in the near future.
04:09
So I understand that kind of things.
04:11
That's why I can explain why some politicians are not decisive enough.
04:17
But we will invest into Ukraine defense when we see now what Ukrainian companies can produce
04:24
also long-range strike capabilities.
04:27
Very effective drones who can hit long-range targets, and even quite resilient on radio-electronical
04:38
warfare.
04:39
So we will invest into Ukraine for their production, and this production will solve this red-line
04:45
problem because it will be Ukrainian weapons.
04:48
Yeah, but we're talking about now, I mean, the victory plan is out a few weeks now, and
04:54
we haven't really heard much response from Ukrainian allies.
04:57
I mean, Vladimir Zelensky went several weeks ago to the United States.
05:01
When you talk about election cycles, are you saying that perhaps after the U.S. election,
05:06
because the U.K. doesn't have an election cycle anymore, we know that potentially Germany
05:10
might be under domestic pressure, but this is always going to be the case, and Ukraine
05:13
needs the weapons now.
05:14
So what's the solution?
05:15
You know, I still think that, you know, American elections is crucial, not only for Americans
05:22
but for the whole world, especially the Western world.
05:26
And intentionally, you can feel from all allies that we are looking now to November
05:31
and waiting for that.
05:34
What will happen?
05:35
Because it can change the trajectory.
05:37
Maybe it will not change, but it's uncertainty which creates a zone now for passive moves.
05:45
We are too passive now.
05:46
Because are you afraid that you might incite some disinformation in the United States from
05:52
Trump's fans who tend to be much less supportive of Ukraine?
05:56
Is that the fear?
05:57
And are you fearing then if Trump and Vance do become, go to the White House, that Ukraine
06:03
is in trouble?
06:04
Lithuania will do what we need to do.
06:06
But the United States is, I mean, vital.
06:09
Vital.
06:10
Absolutely.
06:11
Because without the United States, we cannot change the trajectory of war.
06:14
So it means the United States should be in the boat, not out of the boat.
06:19
So I'm not apocalyptic on Trump.
06:22
I mean, we need to work with all administrations, Republican, Democrat, in any case.
06:30
But it still creates uncertainty, you know, because we just hear about some kind of peace
06:35
talks, negotiations.
06:36
We will solve everything fast.
06:38
But you know, when you go deeper into details, you lack the evidence and the confident decisions
06:47
could assure you what this peace, possible peace will be for granted.
06:54
But at the same time, there is major escalation with the news from Ukrainian services that
07:01
say that Russia is training or that Korea is training 10,000 soldiers for Ukrainian
07:07
territory to fight for Russia, which Zelensky said during the week was a step towards a
07:12
new world war.
07:13
So, you know, there is obviously urgency to end this war.
07:19
You know, I would say on Korean participation, of course, Iran-Korea is a big factor now
07:25
supporting Russia.
07:27
Of course, Chinese factor is even more important because it lets Russia to overcome technological
07:34
sanctions.
07:35
It's important for equipment and weapons, which Russia still produce.
07:41
If you look at Korean, I would say, you know, the human resources was never for Russia problem.
07:50
Much more bigger problem is ammunition and sophisticated and more or less weapons.
07:55
So I would say much more bigger problem is Korean weapons against Ukraine, not 10,000
08:02
something, you know, people, because, you know, you can find another people if you need,
08:08
you know.
08:09
So I would say, yes, of course, it's a sign of Korean participation, I mean, of its dictatorship
08:16
participation.
08:18
But if you look more deeper, much bigger problem is weapons and ammunition, drones from Iran
08:26
and so on.
08:27
You have said that NATO should shoot down Russian drones that fly into NATO airspace.
08:32
A lot of NATO allies would say that's a provocation that could lead to a greater escalation and
08:39
sometimes it may not be proportionate.
08:42
Just explain why you think that's a good idea.
08:45
You know, every NATO country has a right to self-defense.
08:50
So one thing is detection of a drone, another is killing the drone.
08:53
Soft kill is when you jam it, hard kill when you shoot it.
08:57
So if it's in your territory, of course, you need to apply a proportional principle.
09:02
If a drone is in the forest going, maybe it's not so risky to let him go down.
09:08
But if it goes to your bordering city somewhere, which can harm your civilian lives, you need
09:15
to shoot.
09:16
It's not escalatory, it's defense.
09:20
And we need to be more on active defense.
09:22
This is a problem because Russia knows that alliance is defensive alliance.
09:26
It will be always so.
09:28
But this defensive alliance could be much more active, reacting in some kind of situations.
09:35
Because if you will not react, Russia will push this line further and further and we
09:40
will have a problem then.
09:42
Just final question, because you mentioned that the Baltic countries in particular have
09:46
warned the West about this back in 2008, 2014 and so on, and very little was done in the
09:51
name of de-escalation.
09:54
Do you think in a few years' time we'll look back at this and say, we really messed up,
09:58
we should have given them all of the weapons at the start?
10:00
And what impact do you think it's going to have?
10:03
You know, the simple thing, Ronald Reagan, strength, peace through strength, the formula
10:10
which is classic, Russia is not attacking the strong.
10:14
When you are strong, Russia is not attacking.
10:17
As simple as that.
10:19
Russia respects when you are strong.
10:22
So that's why if you want to peace with Russia, you need to have military muscles, you need
10:28
to be military strong to have a peace.
10:31
It's the only thing.
10:32
And we do not understand that, hope till now.
10:36
Is it frustrating for you then when you're with your NATO allies, in particular Hungary
10:40
and Slovakia?
10:41
Oh, it's a different story, yes.
10:44
Tell us a little bit about that, you know, because we see Robert Fico saying that, defending
10:51
Moscow essentially and criticising his own allies who are saying, he's saying essentially
10:55
they're warmongers.
10:56
Yeah.
10:57
Article 5 is quite flexible.
11:01
I mean, not all countries should support if our supports you and makes a decision to
11:07
go for help, military help.
11:11
So it's a good thing.
11:12
But yes, we have problems with some countries, which we call allies in their behaviour, in
11:18
their mindset, works not as allies.
11:22
And it's a problem.
11:23
Are they a security threat?
11:24
I would not call them security threat.
11:27
But, you know, if you ask, do we trust?
11:33
It's questionable.
11:34
Orban and Fico?
11:35
You know, I don't want to go to the personalities, you know, but I think we need to, we need
11:43
to be, I would say, more frank with them sometimes.
11:48
Okay.
11:49
Minister for Defence for Lithuania, Laurynas Kačiūnas.
11:52
Thank you very much for joining us on the Europe Conversation here at NATO.
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