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00:39As we've seen, Watergate is filled with borderline implausible twists and turns.
00:45Remember the stories of Martha Mitchell, John Dean, Alexander Butterfield?
00:50But there is one moment that stands out as perhaps the biggest turn of events in the whole saga.
00:57The Tonight Show will not be seen tonight, so that we may bring you the following NBC News special report.
01:04It was the night of October 20th, 1973.
01:07Good evening. The country tonight is in the midst of what may be the most serious constitutional crisis in its
01:14history.
01:15When the battle over Nixon's secret tapes erupted.
01:17Deputy Attorney General Ruckelshaus was ordered to fire Archibald Cox.
01:22He refused, so the president fired him.
01:25The president has seized full control of the special prosecutor's office.
01:30The average American who watched it unfold on TV didn't know what to think.
01:34That's a stunning development and nothing even remotely like it has happened in all of our history.
01:44So can you imagine what it felt like for those people who were actually right there on the front lines?
01:49Six FBI agents present?
01:51They didn't know they were living through the so-called Saturday Night Massacre.
01:55What can I say, guys?
01:56They were just living through chaos, uncertainty, and fear.
02:02Is everybody ready?
02:03He insisted that the media be allowed in.
02:07It's their stories that we're going to tell.
02:10How they weathered the storm.
02:12The press was mobilized and they had a heck of a story.
02:15And helped write the script of what would become the beginning of Nixon's final act.
02:20Mr. Cox's comment when he was apparently about to be fired was,
02:24Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men
02:29is now for Congress and ultimately the American people.
02:34My constitutional responsibility to defend this great office against false charges.
02:42What was it like to live through Watergate without knowing how it was all going to end?
02:47Causing this nation to neglect matters of far greater importance.
02:54One way to find out is to look at that moment of American history
02:58as seen through the eyes of the people who lived it
03:02back when they had no idea what was coming.
03:04If we learn the important lessons of Watergate,
03:06we can emerge from this experience a better and a stronger nation.
03:12I'm Leon Nafok.
03:15This is Slow Burn.
03:23In 1973, every American wanted to know what was on those secret White House tapes.
03:29And why wouldn't they?
03:31But for Nixon, talk of the recordings had gone on long enough.
03:35He needed to put an end to the noise.
03:38And on the morning of October 20th, it looked like he had finally found his answer.
03:42Based on the evidence I have, though, as of now, I think they are authentic.
03:48Nixon crafted what he thought was an ingenious plan
03:51that would prevent the tapes from ever seeing the light of day.
03:54We'll be again.
03:55Before the proposal was released,
03:57Senators Irvin and Baker of the Watergate Committee
03:59were called to the White House and they approved it.
04:01It was the break the President had hoped for.
04:03Some things I feel very deeply about are at stake.
04:08At least it would have been, had someone not pulled the pin out of his plan.
04:21But the story really begins six months earlier.
04:25Before there was any notion of secret tapes or massacres,
04:29there was just this pesky Watergate affair
04:33and a steady drip of clues pointing towards the White House.
04:38There was a lot of uncertainty.
04:41You know, people started off very sure
04:43that Nixon couldn't have been involved.
04:46Then over the two years,
04:47there was just a creeping, you know, growing sense of doubt.
04:52Looking to appease his critics,
04:54Nixon nominated Elliot Richardson,
04:56a widely respected pillar of Washington politics,
04:59as his new attorney general.
05:02And Richardson, in turn,
05:03was tasked with appointing a special prosecutor
05:05to investigate the Watergate affair.
05:08Do solemnly swear that I will...
05:10Now, if you were going to appoint a special prosecutor,
05:13someone to dig into a controversial,
05:15high-stakes, intrinsically political situation,
05:18you'd probably look for someone
05:19with a reputation for being non-partisan.
05:23Someone without strong political ties.
05:26Someone it would be difficult to dismiss as biased.
05:31Archibald Cox was none of those things.
05:34In fact, Cox was everything
05:36that Nixon and his biggest supporters hated.
05:38He was a professor at Harvard Law School
05:40who wore bow ties and tweed suits.
05:43Even worse, he had worked for John F. Kennedy
05:46in the 1960 campaign against Nixon.
05:49But his ties to the Kennedys
05:50weren't just a thing of the past.
05:52Hi, Archibald Cox.
05:54When he was sworn in as a special prosecutor,
05:56Cox invited Ted Kennedy,
05:58literally Nixon's worst enemy,
06:00to attend as a guest.
06:01Congratulations to you.
06:02It's really wonderful.
06:04I love it.
06:04It's a great deal.
06:05We're all very good.
06:05Americans are now more security conscious than ever.
06:09And it was the end of May of 1973
06:11when Archibald Cox started his work.
06:13The secrets of Watergate
06:14are being investigated in this building
06:16by special prosecutor Archibald Cox.
06:20In a move that seems hard to imagine happening today,
06:23the special prosecutor's office
06:25actually allowed news cameras in
06:27to document them moving in and setting up shop.
06:30They even captured workers
06:32installing an elaborate security system,
06:34presumably to evade any dirty tricks
06:36that Nixon might try on them.
06:38The background of this case is one
06:41in which there have been allegations of burglary,
06:43electronic surveillance, bugging,
06:46surreptitious entry in the night, etc.
06:48If there were a burglary,
06:50we just can't afford that sort of thing.
06:59Contrary to what you might expect
07:00from a high society intellect,
07:03Cox appears laid back,
07:04even goofy in some of this footage.
07:06Can I put my feet on the desk?
07:08Yeah.
07:10And it seems that characteristic
07:12endeared him to his staff.
07:15Archie Cox was very modest.
07:17He was almost self-effacing.
07:20He took cabs when there were limousines waiting.
07:24That's just the kind of guy he was.
07:27I'll put this simply.
07:30It felt like working for Abraham Lincoln.
07:33And I know that's an enormous statement.
07:38He had big workman-like hands,
07:41and he had a farm in Maine.
07:44But close up, he was fair,
07:48really a stand-up individual,
07:50and brilliant.
07:52I've said many times,
07:54gee, I wish I'd dressed like him.
07:56I wouldn't look so ridiculous
07:58in the pictures they show now.
08:01My name is Jim Doyle,
08:03and I was a senior advisor
08:06to the special prosecutors.
08:09I used to brief him every morning
08:10about what the press was saying
08:12and what it meant.
08:14Where did this story go?
08:16Who leaked this story?
08:17And what's the motivation behind that story?
08:19So he was a smart man,
08:21and he knew all that,
08:22and he knew what he was doing.
08:23But we became close.
08:26And it was the best job I've ever had,
08:30and I woke up every day
08:32anxious to get to the office.
08:38I was an assistant district attorney
08:41in my hometown of Philadelphia,
08:42and one of my law professors,
08:44Henry Ruth,
08:45had just been appointed
08:46deputy special prosecutor
08:48to the special prosecutor,
08:49Archibald Cox.
08:51I gave him a call
08:53and said I was very interested
08:55in what he was doing.
08:57Could he consider me
08:58for the prosecution force?
09:00And he asked,
09:02when could I come down to Washington?
09:04And it was a Friday afternoon,
09:06Friday night.
09:07I said, how about Monday?
09:09I took the Amtrak down Monday,
09:11interview with Hank Ruth
09:13and Archibald Cox.
09:17My name is Carl Feldbaum.
09:19I was an assistant special prosecutor
09:21on the Watergate
09:22Special Prosecution Force.
09:26Interestingly, going into Watergate,
09:28a number of lawyers counseled me
09:31not to take the Watergate job.
09:34They thought it was a career-ending position.
09:37They said,
09:38you're going to investigate
09:39the president of the United States?
09:40You're going to investigate Nixon?
09:44He's a vindictive guy.
09:46You'll never get a job in a law firm,
09:49and don't want to want to hire you.
09:51And of course,
09:52they were wrong.
09:54But this may have accounted
09:56for the youth
09:56of most of my colleagues
09:58who were young.
09:59You swear the evidence
10:02that you shall give
10:03the Senate Select Committee
10:04on presidential campaign activities
10:06shall be the truth.
10:08Feldbaum's first day on the job
10:10was a momentous one.
10:11There was a grainy,
10:13black-and-white television
10:14with Alexander Butterfield
10:16before the Senate Watergate Committee,
10:19telling the world
10:19for the first time
10:21that the White House
10:21had a taping system
10:23that had recorded
10:23President Nixon's conversations.
10:25And all of the president's conversations
10:28and the officers mentioned
10:29were recorded.
10:30That's correct.
10:31On his first day,
10:32Feldbaum was just dropped
10:33straight into this heavy moment
10:35when Cox had to decide
10:36how to handle this bombshell.
10:40Later, a number of us
10:41had a meeting
10:42with Archibald Cox
10:43where he pondered
10:45in a very academic
10:46and retrospectively
10:48thoughtful way
10:49whether we should subpoena
10:52the tapes.
10:55He walked us through
10:56the potential chain of events
10:58and the consequences.
10:59What if the subpoena was approved
11:01and then President Nixon appealed?
11:03What if President Nixon appealed
11:05to the United States Supreme Court?
11:07What if President Nixon
11:09simply refused
11:10to turn over the tapes?
11:13We've then created
11:15a constitutional crisis
11:17for which there's
11:18no clear answer.
11:19Are we ready to face that?
11:23Of course,
11:25along with the Senate
11:25Watergate committee,
11:27Cox did subpoena
11:28the nine tapes
11:28which, based on Dean's testimony,
11:31were thought to contain
11:32conversations relevant
11:33to Watergate.
11:34Archibald Cox
11:35pushed rigorously
11:36in the courts
11:37to get hold of those
11:38White House recordings
11:39of President Nixon's conversations.
11:41The word subpoena
11:42means under punishment.
11:44It is a compulsory
11:45order of a court.
11:47Needless to say,
11:49Nixon was not happy
11:50with the subpoenas.
12:00For Cox,
12:01it was simple.
12:02The tapes were potential evidence
12:03in a criminal case.
12:05And so,
12:06they needed to get them.
12:07The president said
12:08he would not comply
12:09with a subpoena issued
12:10on behalf of the
12:11special Watergate prosecutor.
12:13Tensions between the two men mounted.
12:15I would urge that the tapes
12:16be furnished for use
12:17in my investigation
12:18without restriction.
12:19Strangely,
12:20Nixon made no public effort
12:22to discredit Cox.
12:23However,
12:25his true feelings
12:25were later revealed
12:26in conversations with staff
12:27captured by the recording system.
12:37By mid-summer,
12:39it became known
12:39that some of the president's assistants
12:41were privately referring
12:42to the special prosecutor's office
12:44as Cox suckers.
12:48And they continued
12:49to ignore Cox's demands
12:50for the tapes.
13:00In 1973,
13:03I was in Washington.
13:05I had begun writing
13:07for The New Yorker
13:08earlier that year.
13:12and the editor,
13:14I went to see him
13:15around Labor Day.
13:18And I said,
13:19I think we're going to change
13:21first vice presidents
13:22and presidents
13:23within a year.
13:24Now, this was wild.
13:26I mean,
13:26it was way out there.
13:28I just got this instinct.
13:30You go by your instincts.
13:33My name is Elizabeth Drew.
13:35I'm a journalist
13:35and author in Washington.
13:37And I covered Watergate
13:38and the impeachment period
13:40for The New Yorker magazine.
13:43By mid-October 1973,
13:46Drew's intuition
13:47had proved
13:48to actually be half-right.
13:50The American people
13:52deserve to have a vice president
13:54But the resignation
13:55of Vice President Spiro Agnew
13:56over corruption charges
13:57was the least
13:58of Nixon's problems.
14:03And then,
14:04on October 12th,
14:05it had come right back
14:06to those damn tapes.
14:09Nixon was ordered
14:10by the court
14:11to give them up.
14:12All nine of them.
14:14But Nixon still had
14:16one more trick
14:17up his sleeve.
14:18Remember the Stennis Compromise?
14:20A Southern Democrat
14:21by the name of John Stennis,
14:23who was known by many
14:24to be friendly
14:24with the Nixon White House,
14:26he would be the only person
14:27to have access
14:27to the tapes.
14:30He's elderly,
14:32he can't hear.
14:33We're going to put
14:33earphones on him.
14:34Stennis says he's been
14:35promised a free hand.
14:36And Senator Stennis
14:37was going to verify
14:39that the summaries
14:41of the tapes
14:41were accurate.
14:44And those transcripts
14:46would be sent
14:46to Cox's office.
14:49It's really absurd.
14:51But while Baker and Irvin
14:53had tentatively accepted it,
14:55Cox was not so keen.
14:57Some think that this
14:58may have been
14:59the whole point.
15:01It was never
15:03a good faith effort
15:04to negotiate
15:05with the Watergate
15:07Special Prosecution Force.
15:08The Stennis Compromise
15:10was just a way
15:11to get rid of Archibald Cox.
15:14The way that week
15:15went along,
15:16it got more tense
15:18and more tense
15:18right up to Friday.
15:25On October 19th,
15:27Nixon gambled
15:28that the public reaction
15:29to the Stennis Compromise
15:30would be favorable.
15:31If Cox rejected it,
15:32Nixon believed
15:33that he would have
15:34grounds to fire him.
15:35By Friday,
15:37word came out
15:38that there was
15:39this compromise.
15:41What the White House
15:42put out was,
15:43we have a compromise.
15:45It's been accepted
15:45by the Senate
15:46Watergate Committee.
15:48It's been accepted
15:49by John Stennis.
15:51We don't know
15:52about Archibald Cox,
15:53but he's no longer
15:54relevant.
15:56That's when we reacted
15:57very strongly
15:59and said,
15:59whoops,
16:00wait a minute.
16:02At that time,
16:03it was almost 8 p.m.
16:05Doyle knew
16:06that if they didn't respond,
16:07Nixon's statement
16:08would be the last word
16:09on the matter
16:10and could go
16:11unchallenged
16:11for days.
16:13On a long
16:14holiday weekend
16:15at a time
16:16when there wasn't
16:1724-7 news,
16:20we could have missed
16:21a lot of the
16:22morning papers,
16:23et cetera.
16:25At stake
16:26was the public's opinion
16:27of the Stennis Compromise.
16:29They scrambled
16:29to get a response
16:30out to the press
16:31that explained
16:32why they weren't
16:32on board with it.
16:35Archie typed
16:36a very brief statement.
16:37I think he did it
16:39on my little
16:40portable typewriter.
16:43And I went in
16:44and I made this statement
16:45and I got the phones.
16:47Cameras were rolling.
16:48I can't tell you
16:49which networks,
16:50but some were.
16:52And I got
16:53the Associated Press
16:54on one line
16:55and United Press
16:56International
16:57on the other.
16:58I don't know
16:58if I remembered
16:59their number.
17:00Anybody know
17:00UPI's number?
17:03The number
17:03for United Press
17:04International, please.
17:06And I said,
17:07this is Jim Doyle
17:08from Archibald Cox's office.
17:10This is Jim Doyle
17:11from the Watergate
17:12Prosecutor's office.
17:14I have a statement
17:15that I'm going to read
17:15as fast as you can take it.
17:17And I read it to them.
17:18In my judgment,
17:20the president
17:20is refusing
17:21to comply
17:23with the court decrees
17:25to turn over
17:27tapes, comma,
17:28notes,
17:30or memoranda
17:31and other documents.
17:33I shall have a more
17:35complete statement
17:36in the near future.
17:39And of course,
17:40the one-two punch
17:42was, okay,
17:42tomorrow,
17:43Archie Cox
17:44is going to talk
17:45at a news conference
17:46and answer questions
17:47and deal with
17:49what you've heard
17:50from the White House
17:50tonight.
17:53which brings us
17:54to that fateful
17:55Saturday in October
17:56when Cox
17:57was about to make
17:58his objective
17:59crystal clear.
18:01He would not stand down.
18:04Archie and his wife
18:06walked over together
18:07hand in hand,
18:08beautiful sunlight day.
18:12This was Archie's moment.
18:14He will not comply
18:15with the president's order
18:16but will instead
18:17continue his investigation
18:18and go to the judge.
18:19He sat down
18:20and he got in front
18:22of those cameras
18:23and he talked.
18:25I read in one
18:26of the newspapers
18:27this morning,
18:27Cox Defiant.
18:30I do want to say
18:31that I don't feel defiant.
18:35In fact,
18:35I told my wife
18:36this morning
18:37I hate a fight.
18:39and I'm certainly
18:40not out to get
18:41the president
18:42of the United States.
18:43Archibald Cox
18:44was taking his case
18:45straight to Nixon's
18:46silent majority
18:47explaining why
18:49it was reasonable
18:49for him to reject
18:50Nixon's proposed compromise.
18:52It was Nixon
18:53who was being unreasonable
18:54not him.
18:55Nixon was defying
18:56a court order
18:57to release the tapes.
19:00Do you consider
19:01the tapes
19:02absolutely vital
19:03to the case
19:04you're developing?
19:05I think it is
19:06vital to know
19:07whether they're vital.
19:10I think the
19:11important thing
19:12is that here
19:13are conversations
19:16that there has
19:17been testimony
19:18about
19:19by one witness
19:21that would make
19:22those conversations
19:23enormously important.
19:25Then my question,
19:26sir, was how could
19:27you expect to succeed
19:28in this job?
19:29How could you
19:30expect to succeed?
19:32Well, I thought
19:33it was worth a try.
19:36and if I lost,
19:37what the hell?
19:38Doc, let me ask you a bit.
19:39Excuse me, Mr. Cox.
19:40The report is over.
19:41I mean, this really
19:42was all Archibald Cox.
19:45It was all Archibald Cox.
19:47Sorry, yes.
19:48Go ahead, Hayden.
19:49It was a magnificent
19:50press conference.
19:50and Archie said
19:52on the way back,
19:53he said,
19:53you know,
19:54it's not correct
19:55to do
19:56on a federal
19:58establishment,
19:59but I sure
20:00would like
20:01a drink of bourbon.
20:04We were back
20:05and Archie
20:06had a drink or two
20:06and we thought,
20:08well, it's a tennis game
20:10and we won that round
20:11and we'll see
20:12what happens next.
20:16Cox may not have
20:17felt defiant,
20:18but to Nixon,
20:19he must have seemed it.
20:21Cox had broadcast
20:22his rejection
20:23of the Stennis Compromise
20:24across the airwaves
20:26and with the court order
20:27hanging over Nixon's head
20:28to release the tapes,
20:31something had to give.
20:47It was Saturday night.
20:49My wife, Laura,
20:51and I had two
20:52Watergate colleagues
20:53to our apartment
20:54and the four of us
20:55were having dinner.
20:59When around 8.30
21:00or 9 o'clock
21:01the phone rang,
21:08and it was
21:09Hank Ruth,
21:11the Deputy Special Prosecutor,
21:12and he told me
21:13that Archie
21:14had been fired
21:16and that I needed
21:18to get to the office
21:19as soon as possible
21:20because the FBI
21:23were headed
21:23to the office.
21:25We feared that
21:26they would remove
21:27and eliminate
21:28all the evidence
21:29that we had gathered
21:30against the
21:32president
21:32and his administration.
21:34Good evening.
21:35The country tonight
21:36is in the midst
21:37of what may be
21:37the most serious
21:39constitutional crisis
21:40in its history.
21:41The president
21:42has fired
21:43the special
21:44Watergate prosecutor.
21:45The four of us
21:46jumped in my car
21:47and we drove down
21:49Massachusetts Avenue
21:50as fast as fast as I could.
21:52We pulled up right
21:53on the curb
21:54outside the office
21:55and the three of us
21:56jumped out,
21:57got up the elevator,
21:58into the office.
22:01Feldbaum went
22:02straight to the safe
22:03and started feverishly
22:04entering the combination.
22:07And it was actually
22:08the first time
22:08that I'd been able
22:09to open that safe
22:11on my first try.
22:12I took the evidence
22:14out of the safe
22:15at that point.
22:16My wife Laura
22:17came in.
22:18I gave it to her
22:20and she stuffed it
22:21in the front of her jeans
22:23and turned around
22:24to go out
22:25just as the elevator doors
22:27opened
22:27and a team of FBI agents
22:30came out.
22:31Two FBI guys
22:32that came out.
22:34and said
22:35nothing comes in,
22:38nothing goes out.
22:39Everything stops.
22:40And Laura
22:42just walked
22:43right through them
22:44to the still open
22:46elevator.
22:49And FBI came in
22:51and treated
22:51our office
22:52as a crime scene.
22:53What can I say, guys?
22:55And we
22:56kind of
22:57sped off
22:58with that evidence
22:59and
23:01that's another story.
23:03Former Attorney General
23:04Richardson appeared calm
23:06even managing a wave
23:07to photographers
23:07In a chaotic chain
23:08of events,
23:09the Attorney General,
23:10Elliot Richardson,
23:11had resigned
23:12when he was asked
23:13to fire Cox.
23:14When the Deputy Attorney General
23:16also refused,
23:17he was fired.
23:19Solicitor General
23:19Robert Bork
23:20quickly was named
23:21Acting Attorney General.
23:23Bork was ordered
23:24to fire Special Prosecutor Cox.
23:26He did.
23:27The news caused
23:28a sensation
23:29in the White House
23:29press room.
23:30For reporters
23:30who covered D.C.,
23:31this was unlike
23:33anything they had
23:33ever experienced.
23:35It was kind of like
23:36being in downtown
23:37Santiago.
23:38There was like
23:38a coup going on.
23:44Nixon was
23:45their holdaway
23:46in the White House
23:47and it was terrifying.
23:49You never knew
23:50what was going
23:50to happen next.
23:53It was hard
23:54to work it into
23:55our prior understanding
23:56of how things worked
23:58and what the limits
23:58were
23:59and what was going
24:00to happen.
24:02Six FBI agents
24:04present.
24:06Would you please
24:07take those lights
24:07out of here?
24:10Thank you.
24:11To Jim Doyle's
24:13great credit,
24:14he insisted
24:16that the media
24:17be allowed in
24:18so we could explain
24:19what had just
24:20taken place.
24:21our hours shall
24:22continue to be
24:23a government
24:24of laws
24:24and not of men
24:25is now for Congress
24:26and ultimately
24:28the American people.
24:29After the discharge
24:31of Mr. Cox
24:31and the resignation
24:32of the Attorney General
24:33and the firing
24:34of the Deputy Attorney General,
24:35our officers...
24:37And in the simplest terms,
24:39it is that
24:40an investigator
24:41appointed to
24:42investigate scandals
24:44was fired
24:45because he insisted
24:47on investigating scandals.
24:48What it means
24:49is that the worst dreams
24:50of everyone
24:51who was worried
24:52about the President's
24:53secret tapes
24:54have now become true,
24:55become reality.
24:56I was angry.
24:57It was an intrusion
24:59beyond intrusion.
25:00It was unprecedented
25:01in all of our
25:03experience, obviously.
25:05They didn't know
25:06what would happen next.
25:07In fact,
25:08they didn't even know
25:09whether they still had jobs.
25:10Do you still
25:11consider yourself
25:12a member of the
25:13Watergate Special
25:14Constitution Court?
25:15I think we always will.
25:16That's an interesting
25:17question.
25:17and I don't know
25:20the answer.
25:23Nixon must have
25:24felt relief at last.
25:27With Archibald Cox
25:28gone,
25:29the Stennis Compromise
25:30could move forward
25:31and he'd never have
25:32to release his tapes.
25:33He could finally
25:34concentrate on bigger issues
25:36like brokering a ceasefire
25:37for the conflict
25:38in the Middle East.
25:39For the duration
25:40of a second term,
25:41he would never hear
25:42about Watergate
25:43ever again.
25:46The end.
25:51obviously,
25:52it didn't work out
25:53that way.
25:59The fallout
26:00and the reaction
26:01was unbelievable.
26:03Cars started by
26:05and they were honking
26:06and the size
26:07of the crowd
26:07got bigger.
26:12and a police car
26:14goes by
26:14and quietly honks.
26:17It was then
26:19that the term
26:20impeachment
26:20began to re-be in the air
26:23and be considered
26:24a real possibility.
26:26But the public outcry
26:28extended far beyond
26:29Washington, D.C.
26:32telegrams,
26:33the early 70s equivalent
26:34to emails
26:34or social media,
26:36were pouring in
26:36at such high volume
26:37that the Western Union
26:38was completely overwhelmed
26:40and had to set up
26:41special high-speed printers
26:42and call in extra workers
26:44from outside the city.
26:48Hooray for your stand.
26:52Heartily support
26:53your position
26:54and forthright stand.
26:56Stick to your principles.
26:59Congratulations.
27:01Your courageous action
27:03brings hope
27:04for the return
27:06of honorable government.
27:10Go, fight, win.
27:13Only 16%
27:15of those polled
27:16approved
27:16of the president's firing
27:18of the special
27:18Watergate prosecutor.
27:20An overwhelming
27:2175% disapproved.
27:24It was clear
27:25that Nixon
27:25had misjudged
27:26what the public reaction
27:27to his firings would be.
27:29And amid this outpouring
27:31of public support,
27:32the leaderless
27:33special prosecution force
27:34was emboldened.
27:35The papers
27:37had a front-page story
27:38the next day saying,
27:39Watergate prosecution force
27:41vows to carry on.
27:46Members of the former
27:47special prosecutor's
27:49staff arrived
27:49unsure what role
27:50they would play.
27:51On Tuesday,
27:52October 23rd,
27:54they squared off
27:54against Nixon's lawyers
27:55in court.
27:58Three days had passed
27:59since the court deadline
28:00to turn over the tapes,
28:01and Nixon was expected
28:03to ask for an extension.
28:05The president's lawyer
28:07has arrived and announced
28:08But in an unexpected turn,
28:10Nixon's attorney said
28:11that the president
28:11would agree
28:12to hand over the nine tapes.
28:14This president
28:15does not defy the law.
28:19While they had lost
28:20their leader,
28:20this was certainly
28:21a victory
28:22for the special
28:23prosecution force.
28:24The president's decision
28:25came as a total surprise.
28:28Public opinion
28:29was swinging
28:30against his position.
28:31It seemed
28:32that the backlash
28:33against the Saturday
28:34Night Massacre
28:35had changed everything.
28:36We ought to demand
28:37a restoration of court.
28:39But Nixon's next move
28:41was greeted
28:42with deep suspicion.
28:43Turning now
28:44to our attempts
28:45to get a ceasefire
28:46on the home front.
28:50That's a bit more difficult.
28:54We have decided
28:55that we'll appoint
28:56a new special prosecutor
28:58for what is called
29:00a Watergate matter.
29:04On November 5th,
29:06Leon Jaworski
29:06was sworn in
29:07as special prosecutor.
29:09Do you, Leon Jaworski,
29:11solemnly swear...
29:13Many members
29:14of the special prosecution force
29:15saw Jaworski
29:16as a Nixon ally,
29:17someone who might work
29:19to undermine their efforts.
29:21Archibald Cox
29:23was, number one,
29:24a really hard act
29:25to follow.
29:25And many of the
29:26young prosecutors,
29:27my colleagues,
29:29had been Cox's students.
29:30And here comes
29:32Leon Jaworski.
29:33I do.
29:35Congratulations.
29:36He was a conservative
29:37Democrat from Texas.
29:39Obviously,
29:39this raised
29:40some suspicion,
29:42particularly because
29:44Nixon had
29:45appointed him.
29:46I was urged
29:48to accept it.
29:50I did not seek it.
29:52We called him Leon,
29:53as we had generally
29:55called Archibald Cox,
29:56Archie,
29:57and did not know
29:58that back in Houston,
29:59Texas,
29:59at his law firm,
30:00that even his senior partners
30:02referred to him
30:03as Colonel Jaworski.
30:05And so we were
30:06inappropriately
30:08casual Yankees.
30:10Somebody in the office
30:11said,
30:12well, you know,
30:13he's called
30:13Colonel Jaworski
30:15in Texas
30:16as a sign
30:16of reverence.
30:18And I said,
30:19oh yeah?
30:19If he opens
30:20a chicken joint
30:21in the basement,
30:22I'll call him Colonel.
30:24Their suspicions
30:25would soon
30:26be put to the test.
30:38Yeah, one Saturday
30:39morning,
30:40I was in the office.
30:42Leon Jaworski
30:43had asked me
30:43to come in
30:44and we were
30:45having a discussion
30:46when he got a call
30:49from Fred Buzart,
30:50President Nixon's
30:51counsel.
30:53Jaworski said to me,
30:54the tapes are
30:55ready to be picked up.
30:56They're going to be
30:57ready to be turned over.
30:58So I volunteered
31:02to go pick them up.
31:10It was about
31:11a five-block walk
31:13and crowds of tourists
31:15around the White House
31:18was escorted
31:20into Fred Buzart's office.
31:22He was a West Pointer,
31:24very proper guy
31:26wearing a suit
31:28and I was wearing
31:30pink bell-bottoms.
31:36Fred Buzart wouldn't
31:37be caught dead
31:38looking like that,
31:39but for us
31:40it was a Saturday.
31:43and he said something
31:44like, here they are.
31:46The nine tapes
31:48kind of scattered
31:49on a table
31:50in the center
31:51of his office.
31:52He seemed a little
31:53absent-minded.
31:55I said,
31:56I need a bag
31:57or a box
31:58to take these back.
32:00So he left the office
32:02for a minute
32:02and came back
32:03with a cardboard box
32:05and it occurred to me,
32:07I said,
32:07I think we need
32:07a receipt
32:08for this transfer.
32:10Fred got a couple
32:11pieces of paper
32:12and each of us
32:13signed it
32:13and picked up
32:14the tapes
32:15and left
32:17the office
32:18and walked through
32:19a throng
32:20of White House
32:21tourists
32:22and then
32:23back through
32:25downtown
32:26Washington.
32:28It's kind of
32:28incredible
32:29to imagine
32:29the evidence
32:30was not transported
32:31in an armored car
32:32flanked by dozens
32:33of federal marshals
32:34but was carried
32:35down the street
32:36on foot
32:36by one 30-year-old
32:38hippie
32:38in pink bell-bottoms.
32:39I think it was
32:40actually,
32:41in retrospect,
32:42a pretty good disguise
32:43and I looked
32:45behind me
32:46once or twice
32:46and no one
32:47seemed to be
32:48following me.
32:49There was no
32:50media press
32:51helicopter.
32:52I don't think
32:53there were any
32:53foreign intelligence
32:54agents.
32:56I think I took
32:57the special precaution
32:58of crossing the streets
32:59with the light.
33:02when Feldbaum
33:03got back
33:04to the special
33:04prosecutor's office,
33:05he and three
33:06other staffers
33:07gathered around
33:08a reel-to-reel
33:08player.
33:10When Feldbaum
33:11asked which tape
33:12they should play
33:13first,
33:13someone suggested
33:15March 21,
33:161973,
33:17one of the
33:18conversations
33:18that John Dean
33:19had described
33:20in his testimony
33:20as being particularly
33:21damning to the
33:22president.
33:23My colleagues
33:24had the tape
33:25recorder set up,
33:27so we put
33:28that tape on.
33:29we all strapped
33:30on our
33:31headphones.
33:34The four of them
33:35sat there
33:36and listened
33:36for about
33:37seven minutes.
33:39Then,
33:40they heard it.
33:41I would say
33:42these people
33:42are going to cost
33:44a million dollars
33:45over the next
33:47few years.
33:49You can get
33:50a million dollars
33:51and you can get
33:52it in cash.
33:53I know where
33:53it could be
33:54gotten through.
33:56It was just
33:57like Dean
33:57had said
33:58in his testimony.
34:00At that point,
34:01I pressed the
34:02stop button.
34:04We looked
34:04at each other
34:05and I don't
34:06think we said
34:07anything.
34:09I picked up
34:10the tape recorder
34:11and knocked
34:11on Leon Jaworski's
34:13door and indicated
34:14that he needed
34:16to listen to this
34:17as soon as possible.
34:19and he put on
34:20his headset.
34:21For about
34:22five or seven
34:23minutes,
34:23he just looked
34:24at me across
34:25his desk
34:25and just stared
34:26at me without
34:26betraying any
34:27expression
34:29whatsoever.
34:30And then,
34:31the part
34:32came on
34:33with Dean
34:34and then,
34:35the president's
34:35response,
34:36which was
34:38clear obstruction
34:39of justice.
34:48Leon had
34:49no expression
34:50on his face
34:51and just said,
34:53Carl,
34:54that will be
34:54all.
34:54Thank you.
34:56So I took
34:57the tape recorder
34:58and left.
34:59And my colleagues
35:00asked me,
35:02what did he say?
35:02How did he
35:03respond?
35:04And you may
35:05have to bleep
35:06this,
35:06but I said,
35:07I have no
35:08fucking idea.
35:12It was the
35:13coolest,
35:14coldest poker face
35:15I'd ever seen.
35:18While Feldbaum
35:19and his colleagues
35:20were uncertain
35:20what Jaworski's
35:21next move would be,
35:23on Capitol Hill,
35:24Congress was now
35:25moving forward
35:25with an impeachment
35:26inquiry.
35:27The single purpose
35:28and that is to
35:28proceed full steam
35:29ahead with the
35:31question of the
35:32impeachment resolution.
35:34which are before us.
35:35However,
35:36the strand of that
35:37story that we're
35:38going to tell
35:38starts one year
35:39earlier,
35:40in Brooklyn.
35:48In 1972,
35:50I decided to run
35:51for Congress.
35:54I was running
35:54against the incumbent,
35:56been in the House
35:57of Representatives
35:57for 50 years.
35:58He was not really
36:00visible.
36:01The constituents
36:02didn't call on him
36:03for help.
36:03He was really
36:04a non-presence
36:05and I thought
36:06I could win.
36:08We had no money
36:09for polls.
36:10We had no TV.
36:12We had no radio.
36:14We had one newspaper
36:15ad and one mailing.
36:19But I made up
36:20for the absence
36:21of money
36:21with shoe leather.
36:24I campaigned
36:25at every single
36:26subway stop
36:27in the district
36:28time after time
36:28after time.
36:31I went door-to-door.
36:33I campaigned
36:35in supermarkets.
36:36I campaigned
36:37on movie lines.
36:38Anywhere there was
36:39more than one person.
36:40I was out there
36:42campaigning.
36:46My name is
36:47Elizabeth Holtzman.
36:48I was a member
36:48of the House Judiciary
36:49Committee during
36:50Watergate.
36:51You might wonder
36:52why we're diving
36:53into the story
36:54of a young congresswoman
36:55from Brooklyn.
36:56But it's important
36:57for two reasons.
36:58The first is this.
37:00At the time
37:01I was selected
37:01to go on the House
37:02Judiciary Committee,
37:03nobody knew there was
37:04going to be an impeachment
37:05proceeding.
37:05because you know
37:07that if they'd known
37:08there was going
37:09to be an impeachment
37:09proceeding,
37:10they'd never put me
37:12on the committee.
37:13As a first-term
37:14congresswoman,
37:15Elizabeth Holtzman
37:16found herself
37:17in a far more
37:18consequential place
37:19than she could
37:19have ever imagined.
37:21I had no clout,
37:23no political backers.
37:25I was, you know,
37:26this person who won
37:27this bizarre race
37:29in Brooklyn.
37:30The second reason
37:31is far less obvious.
37:33The man she unseated
37:34was formerly
37:35the chair
37:35of the Judiciary Committee.
37:37He was a divisive character
37:39and fiercely partisan.
37:41If Elizabeth Holtzman
37:43had not defeated him
37:44in the primary,
37:45he would have been
37:46the man who presided
37:47over the impeachment hearings,
37:48which could have yielded
37:49a very different result.
37:51My opponent
37:52had been chair
37:53for 50 years,
37:54so Peter Rodino
37:54became chair
37:55of the committee
37:56because of my election
37:57and my defeat
37:58of Manuel Seller.
38:01The question of the
38:03impeachment resolution
38:05which are before us...
38:06Which brings us back
38:07to 1973,
38:08when the House Judiciary Committee
38:10tackled the presidential
38:11question head-on.
38:17I was covering
38:18the House Judiciary Committee
38:20hearings
38:20from the first day on.
38:22The chairman
38:23was this unknown
38:25New Jersey congressman,
38:27Peter Rodino.
38:28The resolution authorizes
38:30and directs the committee
38:31on the judiciary...
38:32Diminutive in size,
38:35who many people feared
38:36could not rise
38:37to the occasion
38:38because this was
38:39a big job
38:41he had to handle.
38:43The advisory committee
38:44on impeachment
38:44met for more than two hours...
38:46While there were concerns
38:47about Rodino's capability
38:48as chairman,
38:49House Judiciary members
38:51had an even more
38:51basic concern,
38:52and that was this.
38:55A president hadn't
38:56been impeached
38:57since Andrew Johnson
38:58more than 100 years earlier
38:59and nobody really knew
39:01how the process worked.
39:05I didn't actually know
39:07what impeachment was
39:08because we didn't study
39:09that at Harvard Law School.
39:10I don't think many Americans
39:12knew what impeachment was
39:13and so we had hit
39:15the books right away.
39:19So, the founders
39:21put a clause
39:23in the powers
39:24of the Congress
39:25about impeachment
39:27that the president
39:29could be removed
39:30for treason, bribery,
39:32and other high crimes
39:33and misdemeanors.
39:35So, what did they mean
39:36by that?
39:38Is a high crime
39:39a crime?
39:39In other words,
39:40can a president
39:41be impeached
39:42for something that's not
39:44a violation
39:44of a U.S. statute?
39:47It turns out
39:48it's not abundantly clear
39:49in the Constitution itself.
39:51So, the members
39:52had to dig deeper.
39:53They turned
39:54to the Federalist Papers
39:55and other writings
39:56by the founders
39:57dating back to the time
39:58when the Constitution
39:59was written.
40:01It started with
40:02British parliamentary history
40:04and the history
40:05of the King
40:05versus Parliament.
40:07And you sort of said,
40:08what does this have to do
40:10with the United States
40:12of America?
40:14And ultimately,
40:15the committee
40:15determined
40:16that a high crime
40:18and misdemeanor
40:19means a grave abuse
40:21of power.
40:22It did not mean
40:23violation of a statute.
40:27Once the members
40:28of the committee
40:28had a firm grasp
40:29on what constituted
40:30an impeachable offense,
40:32the obvious question was,
40:34had President Nixon
40:35committed such an act?
40:37If a majority of the 38 members
40:40in the committee
40:40voted yes,
40:41then the vote would go
40:42to the full House
40:43of Representatives.
40:45If the full House
40:46voted to impeach,
40:47then it would go
40:48to the Senate,
40:49where Nixon
40:50would stand trial.
40:53Because Democrats
40:54had the majority
40:55in the committee,
40:5521 to 17,
40:57it may seem like
40:58it should have been a given
40:59how this vote would go.
41:01But it wasn't.
41:04Just because we had
41:05more Democrats
41:06than Republicans
41:07didn't mean that we
41:08had an automatic majority
41:10when it came to impeachment.
41:11Isn't there reason
41:12We had three Southern Democrats
41:14on the committee,
41:15and those Southern Democrats
41:17represented districts
41:18that were at least
41:19as pro-Nixon
41:20as any Republican
41:21on the committee.
41:22So when we started
41:24the process of impeachment,
41:26we didn't know
41:26whether we had the votes
41:27for impeachment.
41:28Nobody even knew
41:29what the case was
41:29against President Nixon
41:31at that point.
41:32It pretty much boiled down
41:34to seven committee members,
41:36three conservative Democrats
41:37and four moderate Republicans.
41:40They were popularly referred
41:42to as the Fragile Coalition,
41:44though some called them
41:45the Unholy Alliance.
41:47The Unholy Alliance
41:48is a coalition
41:50of Republicans and Democrats
41:51who are debating
41:53about the idea of impeachment.
41:55They are very hesitant
41:56to support the idea
41:58of impeachment.
41:59In many ways,
41:59they start off seeing this
42:00as a radical idea.
42:02For a brief period,
42:04the power they wielded
42:05to impeach or not
42:06made them the most important
42:08politicians in America.
42:10Weep, weep!
42:11Stop!
42:12with hardy natural wheat
42:14make it bite-sized frothy
42:15and sweet to eat.
42:17But despite the deliberations
42:18in Congress,
42:19the vice around the White House
42:21was typing.
42:22Special Watergate prosecutor
42:23Leon Jaworski
42:24asked a federal court today
42:26to issue a subpoena
42:27for a long list
42:28of White House tape recordings.
42:30Shortly after Carl Feldbaum
42:31played the recordings for him,
42:33the new special prosecutor
42:34went back to the White House
42:35with a subpoena
42:36for 64 more tapes.
42:39Once he saw the tapes,
42:41Jaworski just,
42:42he moved forward.
42:45I admired him tremendously.
42:47He wasn't Archie,
42:48but he got the job done.
42:51Jaworski,
42:52it turned out he was tough.
42:54And he carried on
42:56in the same spirit as Cox.
42:59He's proof that this investigation
43:01will not cave
43:02to the president's demands.
43:04If it wasn't clear before,
43:06it was now.
43:07Jaworski's loyalty
43:08was strictly for his country
43:10and the rule of law.
43:11The credo of the Texas Rangers
43:14was one riot,
43:16one ranger.
43:17And to his great credit,
43:19Leon Jaworski
43:20didn't bring a single
43:21law partner,
43:22junior associate,
43:23not a staff member.
43:25And that was all
43:26to his great credit
43:27and really accelerated
43:29respect on behalf
43:30of all of us.
43:35But the Nixon administration
43:37was not backing down
43:38without one last fight.
43:40In these transcripts,
43:42portions not relevant
43:43to my knowledge
43:44or actions
43:45with regard to Watergate
43:46are not included.
43:47But everything
43:48that is relevant
43:49is included.
43:51On April 29th, 1974,
43:53Nixon announced
43:54that he would release
43:55not the tapes themselves,
43:56but 1,200 pages
43:58of transcripts.
43:59These materials,
44:01together with those
44:02already made available,
44:05will tell it all.
44:09I remember him
44:10next to this huge stack
44:12of loose-leaf folders
44:15and saying,
44:16oh, look at what
44:17I've turned over.
44:19While this was not
44:20exactly what the special
44:21prosecutor had asked for,
44:23it was, apparently,
44:24what the American public
44:25wanted.
44:26Copies of the transcripts
44:27flew off the shelves,
44:28and the public
44:29was finally given a taste
44:31of what Nixon had said
44:32behind closed doors.
44:34CBS News even staged
44:36live readings
44:36of the juiciest moments
44:37of the transcripts.
44:39We have a cancer within
44:40close to the presidency
44:41that is growing.
44:42It is growing daily.
44:43It's compounded.
44:44But there was one problem.
44:46The transcripts
44:47were filled with
44:48these parenthetical statements.
44:49There's an unintelligible phrase.
44:51An expletive is deleted.
44:52Busted his blank,
44:53a word for posterior.
44:55There's an expletive deleted.
44:57They had removed
44:58all the expletives,
45:00all the curse words.
45:03Expletive deleted.
45:05That just made everybody say,
45:07oh, my goodness,
45:07foul-mouthed man.
45:09And so it really did not
45:10help him at all
45:12with the American people.
45:13That kind of became a joke.
45:16People were naturally suspicious.
45:19I'm sure they're doctors.
45:20At least that's my opinion.
45:22I'd like to hear
45:23the exact transcript
45:25as it actually took place.
45:28House Judiciary Committee
45:30is meeting to consider
45:31its response
45:32to the release
45:33of White House transcripts
45:34on Watergate.
45:35The release of these
45:36White House transcripts
45:37just added to the mountain
45:38of evidence
45:38that the House Judiciary Committee
45:40had already compiled.
45:42In fact,
45:43there was so much paper
45:44in the House Judiciary Committee's
45:46headquarters
45:46that at one point,
45:47the official architect
45:48for the Capitol
45:49had to call in workers
45:50to reinforce the floor.
45:54The committee is expected
45:56to hold at least
45:57three more closed sessions
45:58during the next two weeks.
46:00And Chairman Rodino
46:01says they'll decide later
46:02if and when
46:03the evidence presented
46:04in the closed hearings
46:05will be made public.
46:06Then on May 21st,
46:08open hearings
46:09are scheduled to begin.
46:10They'll be televised
46:11and they are expected
46:12to last at least six weeks.
46:15Chairman Rodino
46:16was trying to find
46:17the way forward.
46:19Impeachment was never
46:20going to happen
46:21if it were done
46:22on a partisan basis.
46:25Republicans had to feel involved.
46:28That was the only way
46:29we were ever going to be able
46:30to persuade the American people.
46:33Rodino wanted the committee
46:34to move slowly and carefully.
46:36This 932-page document
46:38constitutes the Bible
46:39the House Judiciary Committee
46:40were used.
46:41Evaluating all the evidence
46:43step by step.
46:44I mean, some of us felt
46:45that it was a little bit
46:47too careful
46:48of the other side's feelings.
46:49The hearings are closed
46:51at this stage
46:52only because the materials
46:54that are yet being presented
46:56do bear on cases
46:57that are scheduled
46:58for trial.
47:01Rodino locked the committee
47:02in a room
47:03and had every single instance
47:04of potential evidence
47:05read out loud
47:06to the members.
47:08every member of the committee
47:10had to hear
47:10all the facts.
47:12There was no escaping.
47:14We were sat down
47:16and we were read to
47:18and if you didn't agree
47:19with the facts
47:20then it was your problem
47:21because you could
47:21always challenge.
47:23And if you didn't have
47:24an objection
47:25forever hold your peace.
47:27So the facts were presented
47:28fact after fact
47:30after fact.
47:35I mean, the number
47:38of instances
47:39of abuse of power
47:42of obstruction of justice
47:44of criminality
47:46that Nixon engaged in
47:47was just overwhelming.
47:50I just remember
47:51my reaction to that
47:53after a while
47:53was as though
47:55I was sinking
47:57into quicksand
47:59and there was no bottom.
48:05And there was more
48:06uneasiness in the air.
48:09Still unwilling
48:10to release the recordings
48:11Nixon appealed the case
48:13one final time
48:14to the Supreme Court.
48:16Those who wanted seats
48:17had waited through the night
48:18on expectations
48:19this would be the day
48:21of the big decision.
48:22The case went
48:24to the Supreme Court
48:25and the Supreme Court
48:26looked at it and said
48:27this is a no-brainer.
48:30On July 24th
48:31in a unanimous decision
48:33the judges ruled
48:348-0 against the president.
48:36The justices affirmed
48:37Mr. Jaworski's demands
48:39for the tapes
48:40and Mr. Jaworski
48:41seems very pleased.
48:42Nixon now
48:43had to turn over
48:44every tape.
48:46But the House Judiciary Committee
48:48would not get to hear
48:49those recordings just yet.
48:51First,
48:52they would have to vote
48:53on whether or not
48:54to impeach the president.
48:55Make no mistake
48:57about it.
48:59This is a turning point
49:04whatever we decide.
49:07It was like the Kentucky Derby.
49:10You know,
49:10who's going to win?
49:12Who's going to lose?
49:13Who's going to vote yay?
49:15Who's going to vote nay?
49:17As I mentioned before
49:18many representatives
49:20had approached
49:20the question
49:21of Nixon's misdeeds
49:22in legal terms
49:23tracing the Founding Fathers
49:25intentions
49:25as to what
49:26high crimes and misdemeanors
49:27actually meant.
49:29But one Democratic congresswoman
49:31had a different strategy.
49:32I recognize the gentlelady
49:36from Texas
49:37as Jordan.
49:39Barbara Jordan
49:40was part of the 1972 squad
49:43of female freshman representatives
49:44to Congress.
49:46Barbara Jordan of Texas,
49:49one of the first members
49:50of Congress
49:50who was African American.
49:52A large woman
49:53with a very deep,
49:55interesting way of speaking.
49:58Mr. Chairman,
49:59I join my colleague
50:00in thanking you
50:01for giving the junior members
50:02of this committee
50:03the glorious opportunity
50:05of sharing the pain
50:06of this inquiry.
50:07Jordan lay claim
50:09to many firsts
50:09with a congressional win.
50:11But it was her opening statement
50:13to the House Judiciary Committee
50:14that catapulted her
50:15into the national spotlight.
50:17And she made it personal.
50:20Earlier today,
50:21we heard the beginning
50:23of the preamble
50:25to the Constitution
50:26of the United States.
50:27We the People.
50:29It's a very eloquent beginning.
50:32But when that document
50:33was completed
50:35on the 17th of September
50:36in 1787,
50:37I was not included
50:39in that We the People.
50:41But through the process
50:42of amendment,
50:44interpretation,
50:45and court decision,
50:46I have finally been included
50:49in We the People.
50:51My faith in the Constitution
50:53is whole.
50:54It is complete.
50:54It is total.
50:56and I am not going
50:57to sit here
50:58and be an idle spectator
50:59to the diminution,
51:02the subversion,
51:04the destruction
51:06of the Constitution.
51:08She just captivated
51:10the room.
51:11It was really quite amazing.
51:12and my belief
51:14in the Constitution
51:15as whole,
51:16she said,
51:16it was very,
51:17very moving speech.
51:18I yield back
51:19the balance of my time
51:20to Chapman.
51:21But not every member
51:22was ready to take that step.
51:24Each of us
51:25on this committee
51:26must consider
51:26the effect
51:27a president's removal
51:29would have
51:30on the strength
51:31of this office
51:31and the respect
51:33it enjoys
51:34throughout the world.
51:37The call of the roll
51:38is demanded
51:39and the clerk
51:40will call the roll.
51:41Following three days
51:42of proceedings,
51:43the moment of the vote
51:44finally came.
51:45Mr. Donahue.
51:46Aye.
51:48And by all accounts,
51:49it was a very somber one.
51:52I didn't want to say it.
51:53Mr. Kastenmeier.
51:54Aye.
51:56Miss Jordan.
51:57Aye.
51:58Aye.
51:58It was difficult
51:59to get the word out.
52:01I knew I had
52:02the responsibility
52:03to do it.
52:04Miss Holtzman.
52:05Aye.
52:07It was not
52:08a moment
52:10of joy
52:11to vote
52:12for his impeachment.
52:13That was one
52:14of the most solemn
52:16moments
52:16in my entire life.
52:17And I think
52:18that was true
52:19for every member
52:19of the committee
52:20that voted
52:20for impeachment.
52:22Mr. Railsback.
52:23Aye.
52:24Mr. Cohen.
52:25The aye votes
52:25included the four Republicans.
52:27Aye.
52:28Mr. Flowers.
52:29Aye.
52:30And three Democrats
52:30in the fragile coalition.
52:32Aye.
52:33Aye.
52:33Plus,
52:34two more Republicans
52:35on top of that.
52:36Aye.
52:38Mr. Rodino.
52:39Aye.
52:41Nobody took pleasure
52:42in having to vote
52:44to impeach
52:45a president
52:46of the United States,
52:46even a president
52:47we disagreed with.
52:49Mr. Chairman,
52:5127 members
52:52have voted aye,
52:5311 members
52:54have voted no.
52:56That resolution
52:57is adopted
52:58and will be reported
52:59to the House.
53:001030, William.
53:01Monday morning.
53:02The unthinkable
53:03had arrived.
53:04With bipartisan support,
53:06the committee
53:07would be recommending
53:08impeachment.
53:10And I'm told
53:11that Peter Rodino,
53:12who was a very
53:12liberal Democrat,
53:14went back
53:15to his office
53:15and cried.
53:22It was commonly said
53:24at the time
53:25that the system worked
53:26and generally
53:28I felt that.
53:29It was heartening.
53:31It was heartening.
53:33The committee
53:34charged the president
53:34with a broad pattern
53:36of misconduct
53:36in three categories.
53:38Obstruction of justice,
53:40abuse of power,
53:41and defiance
53:42of Congress.
53:43The fact
53:44that a president
53:45would be held
53:46accountable
53:47for his actions.
53:49Before Nixon,
53:51we didn't impeach
53:52presidents.
53:53We respected them.
53:56I think the country
53:57and all of the rest
53:59of us
54:00who are watching
54:00this breathlessly
54:02came to the conclusion
54:03that Nixon
54:04had no way out.
54:07The next step
54:08would be to bring
54:09the vote
54:09to the entire House
54:10and from there
54:12to the Senate
54:12for trial.
54:14But neither of those
54:15things would ever happen.
54:16The president's case
54:18in the Senate
54:18is in critical condition.
54:20Senator Goldwater
54:21told a meeting
54:21of Republicans,
54:22you can only be lied
54:23to so often.
54:25Speaking with emotion,
54:26Goldwater said,
54:27it's time to take a stand
54:28and say we want out.
54:30To me,
54:31the end really came
54:32when Barry Goldwater,
54:34who was his
54:34staunchest supporter,
54:36went down
54:36and asked him
54:37to resign.
54:38When the most
54:39conservative Republicans
54:40abandoned him,
54:41you knew
54:42that the end
54:43was near.
54:45Let me see
54:45if you get
54:47these lights
54:47properly.
54:49My eyes always have
54:50a little fine
54:51if you get
54:52past 60.
54:53On August 8,
54:561974,
54:57Nixon spoke.
54:59I shall resign
55:01the presidency
55:01effective at noon
55:02tomorrow.
55:13The next day,
55:15fighting back tears,
55:16Nixon addressed
55:17his White House
55:18staff one last time.
55:22I look around here
55:24and I see so many
55:24in this staff
55:25that, you know,
55:27I should have been
55:28by your offices
55:29and shaking hands
55:30and I'd love
55:31to have talked to you
55:32and found out
55:33how to run
55:34the world.
55:38Everybody wants
55:39to tell the president
55:39what to do
55:41and, boy,
55:42he needs to be told
55:43many times.
55:52Thank you very much.
55:54Thank you.
56:02Almost half a century
56:04after Watergate,
56:05the conventional wisdom
56:06is that the system
56:07worked.
56:10Nixon didn't get
56:11away with it.
56:11He abused the office
56:13of the president
56:13and eventually
56:14it led to his downfall.
56:17Many people see
56:18it this way.
56:20But I still wonder,
56:22was this truly
56:23the inevitable result
56:24of checks
56:24and balances
56:25working as intended?
56:26Or is there another
56:27way this could have
56:28ended?
56:34The burglars broke
56:35through a fire escape
56:36door that led
56:37to the committee's
56:37offices.
56:38When I look at
56:39the long and winding
56:40saga of Watergate,
56:41all I see are moments
56:43that could have gone
56:43in a different direction.
56:47The Washington Post
56:48could have assigned
56:48the story of the
56:49break-in to reporters
56:50who were less aggressive
56:51than Woodward and
56:52Bernstein.
56:54James McCord
56:55could have kept quiet
56:55about the cover-up.
56:58John Dean
56:59could have stayed
56:59loyal to Nixon
57:00and taken the fall
57:01for him.
57:02Or he could have
57:03had a worse memory.
57:06Nixon himself
57:07could have decided
57:07not to install tape
57:08recorders in the Oval
57:09Office.
57:11Or Alexander Butterfield
57:12could have kept
57:13those recordings secret.
57:15Oh, and the Democrats
57:16could have not had a
57:17majority in both the
57:18House and the Senate.
57:19That's a big one.
57:21There are a whole host
57:23of other factors,
57:24big and small,
57:25that could have
57:25transpired differently
57:26and changed the outcome.
57:29So, to me,
57:30Nixon's resignation
57:31doesn't seem so inevitable.
57:35It's easy to imagine
57:36an alternate reality
57:37where if any one of
57:38these elements
57:39had broken differently,
57:40Nixon would have
57:41weathered the storm
57:42and served out
57:43his second term
57:44with a scandal
57:45falling by the wayside.
57:48I suppose you could
57:49say we got lucky.
57:50But I have to wonder,
57:53what about the next
57:53Watergate?
57:58When historians look back,
58:02will they be able to say
58:03that the system worked?
58:08Or was Watergate
58:09a political moonshot,
58:10rarely, if ever,
58:11to be repeated?
58:20I'm Leon Nafok,
58:21and this is
58:22Slow Burn.
58:51A CIDADE NO BRASIL
58:55A CIDADE NO BRASIL
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