- há 2 anos
Missão 115 foi o nome atribuído pelo DOI-CODI (órgão de repressão do exército durante a ditadura militar) a uma suposta operação de “vigilância” no Rio de Janeiro, durante show musical no Riocentro pelo Primeiro de Maio de 1981. Na verdade, tratava-se de um atentado a bomba, a final frustrado, que visava sabotar a redemocratização do país. Pela primeira vez um dos membros daquela equipe de terroristas, o ex-policial Claudio Guerra, conta em detalhes como a operação foi planejada e executada. Os trabalhos recentes da Comissão Nacional da Verdade também jogam novas luzes sobre o episódio e as sucessivas tentativas de apuração ao longo de mais de três décadas.
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00:00:18THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:00:57THE CITY IN BRAZIL
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00:01:10THE CITY IN BRAZIL
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00:02:03THE CITY IN BRAZIL
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00:02:27THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:02:28THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:02:28THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:02:53THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:02:57THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:03:26THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:03:32THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:03:36THE CITY IN BRAZIL
00:03:39and two of one, and eighteen of another,
00:03:41sixty years.
00:03:43You fixed all of that for me.
00:03:45Today I am free.
00:03:50Claudio,
00:03:51How did you get through work?
00:03:54in the Civil Police of Espírito Santo
00:03:56for clandestine actions
00:04:00together with the bodies
00:04:02Security measures of the dictatorship?
00:04:05It started,
00:04:06I went
00:04:08You're invited, right?
00:04:09I already had a history.
00:04:11There in Minas Gerais, he was a court officer in Minas Gerais.
00:04:13and working in the Civil Police
00:04:15I was requested.
00:04:19unofficially
00:04:20by the Public Prosecutor,
00:04:21Dr. Geraldo Abreu,
00:04:23He is alive, so that he can
00:04:25appear at the Prosecutor's Office,
00:04:27which had two officers, one an Army officer
00:04:30and a Navy officer, who wanted to talk
00:04:32with me. It was the
00:04:34Colonel Perdigão
00:04:35and Commander Vieira.
00:04:39And that's when they told me,
00:04:42I went, I served in the Army,
00:04:44I'm saying, look, the country needs you.
00:04:46And that was the beginning of '73, right?
00:04:49From then on, I started providing services to them.
00:04:54And I thought I was doing the right thing, that I was fighting Communism.
00:05:00Initially acting as an executor of operations, taking people's lives,
00:05:05later, I also hid corpses and, subsequently, I was also a strategist.
00:05:11preparing some attacks.
00:05:1236 bombs explode in Rio de Janeiro.
00:05:15They reach newsstands,
00:05:18headquarters of newspapers and organizations that oppose the military regime.
00:05:22On February 26, 1981, they completely blew up the grandstand.
00:05:28Total, total, total.
00:05:29He couldn't even go out.
00:05:30We went to film in Duque de Caxias because everything went up.
00:05:35We started appearing in tabloids for 4, 5, 6 months.
00:05:40I ended up in the tabloids because I had no other choice.
00:05:43So, these bombs had the function of faking attacks.
00:05:48which would be attributed to the armed left.
00:05:52and, with that, frighten the population.
00:05:55and to create popular support.
00:05:58to the hardening of the dictatorship,
00:06:00that at that time, already at the end of the 70s,
00:06:04after the amnesty and in the early 80s,
00:06:06Its total decline was already waning.
00:06:34Society had already demonstrated
00:06:39unequivocally his tiredness
00:06:44with the perpetuation of the regime,
00:06:47as well as they
00:06:50They were very divided regarding whether to stay together.
00:06:56That support they had
00:06:58in the first half of the 1960s,
00:07:01They had already lost.
00:07:02And on the other hand, there is international pressure.
00:07:06All of this together was wearing it down.
00:07:08and it was taking it from those military personnel
00:07:12the legitimacy they thought they had
00:07:14and, above all, stability.
00:07:16and this connection with civil society.
00:07:20Within this context,
00:07:22They became increasingly isolated.
00:07:49And on the other hand,
00:08:15the president-elect, João Batista de Figueiredo,
00:08:19and the vice-president, Aureliano Chaves,
00:08:21They are greeted by locals and young students.
00:08:23from all corners of Brazil
00:08:25on the morning of March 15, 1979.
00:08:29President Figueiredo thanks
00:08:31the words of his predecessor and emphasizes
00:08:41Golbery, he begins, since the Geisel government,
00:08:45realizing that the dictatorship's days were numbered,
00:08:51that the military would no longer have the political power to act.
00:08:54to extend the dictatorship for too long.
00:08:59So, he starts with a plan,
00:09:01He devises a very clever plan.
00:09:05of a slow, gradual distension,
00:09:11so that the military can hand over power to civilians.
00:09:15after a set design
00:09:19that it would be favorable to the military.
00:09:33Golbery was the great strategist.
00:09:35from this attempt at change,
00:09:39to leave the regime in such a way
00:09:41that he would preserve his work,
00:09:46but that would allow for a transition
00:09:51for a situation that necessarily
00:09:56It would have to be within the boundaries.
00:09:58of political democracy.
00:10:01What was desired was that this opening
00:10:06were more controlled.
00:10:09The transition was a process in which
00:10:16Those who won didn't win everything.
00:10:17And those who lost didn't lose everything.
00:10:20This policy has a very big obstacle.
00:10:27which is the wing of the tough guys.
00:10:28The hardliners don't want that.
00:10:29she can't see,
00:10:30She imagines that she will succeed.
00:10:33with an iron fist,
00:10:34to perpetuate the military regime.
00:10:36These were groups that disagreed.
00:10:43with the political opening
00:10:45and they were trying to create an atmosphere of panic.
00:10:48in the population so that there would be
00:10:51a popular commotion,
00:10:52so that there would be a popular movement.
00:10:54in which the military would appear
00:10:56as saviors of the population
00:10:59against the threat of terrorism.
00:11:00Goodbye.
00:11:02Goodbye.
00:11:08Goodbye.
00:11:18Goodbye.
00:11:20Goodbye.
00:11:35Why did I work, why did I work for them?
00:11:40I had prestige and was well paid.
00:11:47To give you an idea, I was receiving [this income] at that time in Rio.
00:11:50That would be enough to buy a car every month, if I wanted to.
00:11:55And there were still awards, I was still receiving some awards.
00:11:59The group that received the most awards was from São Paulo.
00:12:03because in the beginning they operated more,
00:12:05They managed to kill some leaders.
00:12:09Interesting, the awards came from Fiespa.
00:12:12Fiespa, which ECA provided, the bankers, like Gastão,
00:12:17who was the owner of the Banco Mercantil do Estado de São Paulo.
00:12:20He was the first to raise money to set up Operation Bandeirantes in São Paulo.
00:12:26These radical groups, when they went underground,
00:12:31They needed to have a minimum level of organization.
00:12:33And then they formed a secret group, a very well-organized group,
00:12:38basically composed of people who had been directly involved in the repression,
00:12:42to continue these armed actions.
00:12:46And it's interesting, because it's a secret group with a strategy.
00:12:51He had his financial arm, he had a political arm, and he had an operational arm.
00:12:57And this operational arm, it was basically composed of the "tigrada" (a term used to describe the elite police force),
00:13:02by people who had been involved in operational activities.
00:13:06Torturers, soldiers who blew up weapons, soldiers who wanted real action, actual armed action.
00:13:13But he also had a political arm and he had a financial arm.
00:13:16Because all of this was expensive; money was involved.
00:13:20You mobilize vehicles, you spend money on fuel, you have an operation there that had a cost.
00:13:27This secret group is interesting because it is, let's say, multidisciplinary.
00:13:49There were two secret groups, one composed of police officers, and then officers, sergeants, and privates from the Army.
00:13:57And the secret group that provided services to the SLI office, which had an agency and an office,
00:14:07The office was located on Presidente Vargas Avenue, at the corner of Rio Branco Street.
00:14:13How did they create these secret groups?
00:14:16They recruited the officers who had experience in property security, specifically the officers who deal with robberies and thefts.
00:14:24I mean, he knew the street, he knew how to investigate, he knew how to set up surveillance, right?
00:14:30And they took advantage of us.
00:14:38Mrs. Lida was an innocent victim.
00:14:42In fact, we know that the bomb was placed in the envelope addressed to me.
00:14:52because the doorman who received the person, the bomb carrier,
00:14:58He saw that the envelope was addressed to me, and let the person go through.
00:15:05And he didn't have access to me personally; he handed it over to my secretary.
00:15:10And my secretary, as she always did, decided to open the envelope.
00:15:19And the moment she opened it, the explosion occurred, destroying her desk.
00:15:25She knocked down the wall that separated her room from mine, and it really did a lot of damage.
00:15:35To such an extent that Mrs. Lida's arm fell onto the awning.
00:15:42The following day, a crowd attends the funeral of Dona Lida.
00:15:47killed in the attack on the Brazilian Bar Association.
00:15:53At that time, UAB was playing a very important role.
00:15:57President Eduardo Ceabra Fagundes made a series of accusations.
00:16:05at the Human Rights Council, regarding torture.
00:16:08UAB received visits and accounts from family members of disappeared political prisoners and political prisoners.
00:16:18The dungeons, the Doicode, the Cisa, the Senimar, the torturers,
00:16:24They were already worried about what might happen to them under a democratic regime.
00:16:31And they were sending messages.
00:16:33Messages for the government of the time, which claimed to be committed to political openness.
00:16:39And a message for all those who, as president of UAB, Eduardo Ceabra Fagundes,
00:16:45They dared to denounce the attacks, the violent attacks on human rights.
00:16:52that the dictatorship promoted at that time.
00:17:20There was a great deal of activity.
00:17:23When I arrived, the chamber doors were closed.
00:17:27And it was very difficult to get in because they were already removing Ribamar Freitas' body.
00:17:37I remember him being carried down the stairs of the chamber.
00:17:44The moment he opened the envelope, the bomb exploded, making a huge hole in the table and falling onto the floor.
00:17:52His lap.
00:17:53He lost all the fingers on his right hand and the arm of his left hand was badly burned.
00:18:08What happened, the attacks against newsstands that sold newspapers and small press outlets critical of the government,
00:18:17the attack on the chamber, Mrs. Lida there at the bar association,
00:18:21These are acts that were planned within the Brazilian state, and are inappropriate for the Brazilian state.
00:18:27with vehicles, with equipment, bombs for the exclusive use of the armed forces.
00:18:35These are attacks that could be defined as state terrorism.
00:18:40That's exactly the point.
00:18:43It's a violence that is both official and clandestine, this ambiguity of the procedure.
00:18:52but which is justified based on that logic,
00:18:56which is a logic of survival for a state that is being attacked by an enemy that could exterminate it.
00:19:03Therefore, he gives himself the right to exterminate the enemy.
00:19:09Florence Damingano
00:19:10Grêmio
00:19:11Mino
00:19:35The Handlers
00:19:37These
00:19:37The actions of the security community were acts of terrorism, arguably right-wing terrorism.
00:19:47The violence perpetrated by the left is, let's say, based on a choice.
00:19:56Doctrinal ideology that has to do with all that utopia marked by the Revolution.
00:20:06Cuban.
00:20:06So, it's clear that there is a significant difference in choosing violence, in choosing violence.
00:20:14The use of weapons, in the case of this revolutionary left and in the case of the right or the security community.
00:20:24which was, at least in paralegal terms, imbued with a state mission.
00:20:31So, part of the left decided to take up arms against the dictatorship, which was an option.
00:20:37And what remains, for those who judge today, is the decision of whether it was a correct action or not.
00:20:48It was politically incorrect.
00:20:49Now, it wasn't terrorism. Terrorism was committed by those in the basements.
00:20:56of the dictatorship.
00:20:57Therefore, this series of attacks clearly relates to an attempt, I would say, even...
00:21:02Desperate to stop the process. They wanted it at all costs... It was, to me, a power grab. They liked...
00:21:11They were there and didn't want to lose that status. And, at that moment, I think it wasn't just an ideological issue,
00:21:18It wasn't just a matter of confronting and blocking the communist threat; the threat of socialists and communists reaching the...
00:21:27power of a
00:21:27For me, it wasn't even about that anymore. It was about staying in power, because power is good, the
00:21:33Power gives status, power gives financial advantages, power gives other advantages that they would certainly lose if this process...
00:21:44would advance.
00:21:45These people had been educated, poorly educated, not technically educated, but in the ideals of revolutionary warfare. They gained ground and...
00:21:55power in this type of work, in torture, in the type of investigative work, in arresting people. And they don't
00:22:05They wanted to give up the gains they had made in securing that space within the armed forces, too.
00:22:14Also, civilian paramilitary groups that have been active since before, including 1964. The MAC, the so-called anti-communist groups, the vanguard.
00:22:30anti-communist. So there was a consortium of far-right forces that tried to stop this opening.
00:22:42One of the main actions in the entire information field, not only in Brazil but worldwide, is
00:22:49sabotage.
00:22:51When you don't have control over this organ, which by nature acts in this way, the next step will be...
00:23:01Terrorism.
00:23:02These will be violent actions against civil society.
00:23:07So, when the SNI (National Information Service) feels threatened, when it finds itself in check, still within the dictatorship,
00:23:19Between the late 1970s and early 1980s, he transitioned from acts of sabotage to acts of...
00:23:26terrorism.
00:23:27There are soldiers, loved or not, almost all lost, who have more at hand.
00:23:42The Quartermasters teach ancient missions of dying for the fatherland and living without rats.
00:24:05What I'm saying, I'm still a little perplexed by it, because the information that's coming in is...
00:24:14very contradictory.
00:24:15I don't really know what's going on.
00:24:17I'm surprised, even more so, I mean, if all that stuff from that base is true, it's an unspeakable act of cowardice.
00:24:29Upon arriving at Rio Centro for the May 1st show, I told my friend who was driving the car,
00:24:33Lean over there, lean over there behind the puma.
00:24:35At that point, we parked the car; we were already late.
00:24:38When we left, I passed by the Puma, I looked at it, it was a teenager's dream car,
00:24:43When I was 18, I said, "One day I'm going to have a car like this."
00:24:46The passenger asked me to move away and not to get near the car.
00:24:50I looked at the car and saw two identical cylinders at the rear of the car.
00:24:55and another cylinder being handled in the lap of the person sitting on the right side of the car.
00:25:01I was holding the cylinder upright, screwing it onto the bottom.
00:25:05The hitchhiker spoke again, "Get out of here," and told me to go to hell.
00:25:09I said, "Dude, are you crazy? I'm just saying I like the car."
00:25:12When I stepped away and went to be near my colleagues, which we had turned around to, the explosion happened.
00:25:18The explosions occurred at Rio Centro, in Barra da Tijuca, 30 kilometers from downtown Rio.
00:25:24where there was a show of Brazilian popular music in celebration of May 1st.
00:25:28The first bomb exploded at 9 PM in parking lot 5, inside the Puma vehicle with license plate OT-0297.
00:25:36In the car were two men, Sergeant Guilherme and Captain Wilson Machado, from the army.
00:25:41They were both in civilian clothes.
00:25:43The explosion ripped a car door off.
00:25:45The sergeant died instantly, primarily from wounds to his abdomen.
00:25:49And I ran towards them, he already had his belly ripped open,
00:25:55and the entrails showing and the other one screaming from the side.
00:25:58And I ran over to him, grabbed him, pulled him out of the car,
00:26:02I screamed for help, I screamed for help.
00:26:04And then I said, don't worry, I'll get help.
00:26:07And I left. When I came back, he was no longer there.
00:26:13Believe it or not, for all events held at Rio Centro, the emergency exits are open.
00:26:21And on that day, all the emergency exits were locked with padlocks.
00:26:25And on that day, by coincidence, they put me in the guardhouse.
00:26:30That's when I approached the captain and sergeant's entrance.
00:26:37I asked him to identify himself.
00:26:39The captain presented his military identification.
00:26:43I asked about the companion.
00:26:45The companion also picked up the military ID.
00:26:48That's when they told me they were on duty, in the Army reserve.
00:26:57Now, there were several groups there, right?
00:27:00The group in charge was responsible for the actual action, which was placing the devices, right?
00:27:09We had the support group, right?
00:27:13And there was the group that was with me, we were from the civil police, this secret group, right?
00:27:22We were going to arrest the people who would be identified as the perpetrators of the attack.
00:27:30The military group left from Barão de Miskita.
00:27:35We, those of us from my group who I know were going to make the arrests, left the SLE office on Presidente Vargas Avenue.
00:27:44That would cause great fear; the doors had been sealed.
00:27:50You could imagine a tragedy unfolding there.
00:27:55Because you can imagine a place, I don't remember how many people we had, it was tens of thousands.
00:28:02The plan was for it to be placed on the artists' stage.
00:28:06The goal was to create a national uproar against the left to prevent the opening.
00:28:13Because public opinion would condemn the left, because the left would have committed an act that would cause people to die, right?
00:28:21The Rio Centro bombing had much higher, much more identifiable, overt origins, really.
00:28:31It was a plan to create a new military regime, a new military regime based on a catastrophe.
00:28:43That was the goal there, to prolong the dictatorship, to create a new dictatorship, starting from there.
00:29:19Rio Centro was planned.
00:29:22And it was carried out by Colonel Perdigal, because at that time I was already working in his office, right?
00:29:29So he did all the planning with knowledge, right?
00:29:34Incidentally, this was done with the knowledge of the DOI-COD, the DOI-COD commander, and the presidency of the republic.
00:29:43He was aware, he was aware, the National SLE, his boss, was aware.
00:29:48It was very well planned, okay?
00:29:50The deal went wrong because the expert, the one who was an expert on bombs, was Rosário.
00:29:58The captain didn't know.
00:30:01However, he made a fundamental mistake.
00:30:04He stopped the car, his car, right?
00:30:07With a bomb, a device with an electric detonator, he stopped under a high-voltage wire.
00:30:14He closed the church service and it exploded.
00:30:16And when the incident happened, everyone panicked, everyone went their separate ways.
00:30:21I went to the office, it was for the meeting, I went there to discuss the mistake that had happened.
00:30:35That operation at Rio Centro was an operation that originated within the Army's Secret Service.
00:30:43CIE, Army Information Center, that is, Military Secret Service,
00:30:49in partnership with the SNI, the Civil Secret Service.
00:30:54That was a mistake, a lapse in skill on the part of the agents who were carrying the bomb.
00:30:59A great misfortune for them and a great stroke of luck for Brazilian society.
00:31:06that we have had a very clear understanding of what the dictatorship was doing.
00:31:13Unfortunately, regrettably, tragically,
00:31:17These two, as they were leaving their parking lot, were reversing,
00:31:25The sergeant saw that huge thing, and when he grabbed it, it broke.
00:31:31He noticed a strange object.
00:31:33It caught fire, it exploded.
00:31:36Silvia, I used to work at Gazeta Mercantil, dealing exclusively with economic matters.
00:31:41And she was an avid reader of Jornal do Brasil, where I had previously worked.
00:31:47I went out to buy the newspaper at the newsstand and I was very shocked.
00:31:51When I saw that picture of the Puma on that first page,
00:31:55How can this story be on the front page of the newspaper?
00:31:59How did this story come about?
00:32:01And right there, at that very moment, I felt the urge to talk to my colleagues.
00:32:07about how that was happening.
00:32:11And then I went to talk to my friends,
00:32:13Why was this photo published on the front page of Jornal do Brasil?
00:32:17This sparked a discussion between the editor-in-chief,
00:32:20who at the time was Paulo Henrique Amorim,
00:32:21and the head of reporting, who was Luiz Mário Cadaneu.
00:32:24Paulo Henrique didn't want to have his picture taken at first.
00:32:27Oh man, let's post a picture of ham.
00:32:29In journalism, we used to call a corpse or a dead person, right?
00:32:32No, we're not going to give it, no.
00:32:33And Luiz Mário fighting, fighting, Gazaneu fighting.
00:32:36No!
00:32:37That's a political photo, we have to publish it first.
00:32:40And he ended up winning the argument by saying the following,
00:32:43Hey, Paulo Henrique, that's not a ham,
00:32:46This is a photo of Aldo Moro.
00:32:47Referring to a judge, the Italian prime minister, right?
00:32:51who waged that fight against corruption
00:32:53and ended up being kidnapped and killed by the Red Brigades.
00:32:56And the photo appeared on the front page.
00:33:02A terrorist plot is being hatched within the Brazilian state.
00:33:08with various measures, right, like dispensing with security,
00:33:17how to lock the gates,
00:33:19how to implement various measures to increase the degree of destruction
00:33:27of that terrorist plan.
00:33:31It was known that impunity would follow.
00:33:35Because that would require an investigation.
00:33:37And the dictatorship had the means to suppress this investigation.
00:33:42This plan is only broken when the bomb explodes prematurely.
00:33:47...and the sergeant's smoking body won't let go...
00:33:52It's proof, that photo of the sergeant.
00:33:56with his guts hanging out inside the car,
00:34:01This is clear evidence that the state is a terrorist state.
00:34:16What constitutes a terrorist state?
00:34:41And regarding Rio Centro, the government chose not to...
00:34:47by not taking things to the extreme,
00:34:53Because doing that would mean displacing him.
00:34:57in that hard core of the military regime
00:35:02and to make the process of democratization happen
00:35:06it could be even deeper and faster
00:35:10than it was becoming.
00:35:12So it was a moment when everything was put on hold.
00:35:18And President Figueiredo
00:35:20was one of the major victims of this process
00:35:23to the extent that he was unable to carry it out,
00:35:26to carry out your project.
00:35:42President Figueiredo, at the time of the attack,
00:35:46He must have been in the most complicated situation possible.
00:35:50because evidently his project
00:35:52and his commitment to President Geisel
00:35:55and with General Goberi, who was right there beside him.
00:36:00and he was his mentor up to that point,
00:36:03It was a political opening.
00:36:04And he knew very well who planted the bomb.
00:36:07Now, it turns out that if we look at Figueiredo's biography,
00:36:11Figueiredo's professional career,
00:36:13He was trained with these people.
00:36:16He left there.
00:36:17He was the SNI's man.
00:36:20So how does one turn against former comrades?
00:36:23How do I confront these old comrades?
00:36:27He was deeply conflicted.
00:36:29The heart attack that will come soon after.
00:36:31This marks the personality of this man.
00:36:34which is explosive,
00:36:36that I would like to hold in my hands
00:36:38and do everything immediately
00:36:40and who finds himself paralyzed
00:36:41because he would have to go against his own teammates.
00:36:44from the recent past.
00:36:53As was common practice at the time,
00:36:56A military police investigation was launched.
00:36:59And the IPM, as its investigation progressed,
00:37:05It was set up to confirm the dictatorship thesis.
00:37:11The general in charge of the investigation, Job,
00:37:15It was from my time at military school.
00:37:17And I even held it in my hand.
00:37:19And he was discussing it with other acquaintances of ours.
00:37:23the progress of the investigation.
00:37:26So, I learned some very interesting details.
00:37:28That is to say, he would have met
00:37:31with several other military personnel
00:37:33to devise this strategy,
00:37:36In my opinion, not very intelligent.
00:37:38where that bomb was placed
00:37:41in the sergeant's lap by communists.
00:37:51They are there at the investigation, while the sergeant
00:37:56He jumped out of the car to go look for a ticket.
00:38:00For the festival, he abandoned the Puma.
00:38:04And the captain went, while he went to urinate.
00:38:06to justify the two of them being out of the car
00:38:09and sabotage the car.
00:38:11First, the two soldiers were victims.
00:38:14of a cleverly laid trap
00:38:17in the captain's car.
00:38:21Extremely dangerous groups that had things,
00:38:24They went and planted the bombs in that thing, you understand?
00:38:27I mean, dusty things, you know?
00:38:29The investigation was a disgrace.
00:38:33The entire press saw it.
00:38:35Only those in charge didn't see it.
00:38:40The army, he dealt with that matter.
00:38:43In a regrettable way, right?
00:38:45No one can believe it.
00:38:47that it had been provoked
00:38:52by a group, an external clandestine organization, right?
00:38:55And he managed to plant a bomb.
00:38:57between the bench and the door.
00:38:59A beginner in forensics,
00:39:02He is capable of destroying that version.
00:39:04in two seconds.
00:39:07What remains unexplained is that the investigation is over.
00:39:11They put on a show for the press.
00:39:14They put on a show to say
00:39:17that they were victims of that.
00:39:18Victims in OV, they carried out the attack.
00:39:26This result was announced.
00:39:28In a statement by Colonel Job, Lorena.
00:39:32The journalists who were present,
00:39:33They were unable to make a replica.
00:39:35They had to swallow that right there.
00:39:37And, evidently,
00:39:39right from the start,
00:39:41This version was destroyed.
00:39:43pulverized by the newspapers.
00:39:46That Job Lorena
00:39:47falsified evidence, pressured witnesses,
00:39:50We have no doubt about that.
00:39:51We have several pieces of evidence.
00:39:52from expert testimonies
00:39:53They said they were pressured, yes.
00:39:55Evidence was suppressed.
00:39:59That the regime's attempt
00:40:02to cover up,
00:40:04to cover up the attack,
00:40:06they became,
00:40:07something that we would only have one sentence to say,
00:40:10The king is naked.
00:40:11If everyone already knew that the emperor had no clothes,
00:40:13Now this naked king was shouting that he was naked.
00:40:16Therefore, the regime became even more indefensible.
00:40:21after the attacks.
00:40:22General Figueiredo,
00:40:25he,
00:40:28Contrary to what he stated,
00:40:31It didn't go deep.
00:40:33in investigations
00:40:35Regarding bomb attacks.
00:40:37Because he knew they were his fellow soldiers.
00:40:40who were promoting these attacks.
00:40:43And that was the limit.
00:40:54President Figueiredo
00:40:57He behaved very badly.
00:41:00And the Rio Centro episode,
00:41:04In this episode,
00:41:05He failed completely.
00:41:09Because there would be
00:41:10no major reaction from the army
00:41:15if he decided
00:41:17a thorough investigation of the incident.
00:41:21The military themselves,
00:41:23the youngest officers
00:41:26at that moment,
00:41:27It was already showing signs.
00:41:28because I'm a little exhausted,
00:41:31having to carry it on my back
00:41:33this heavy burden
00:41:35of a military dictatorship
00:41:37and have your professional life
00:41:39committed
00:41:40in terms of a negative image
00:41:42in the eyes of society.
00:41:44Figueiredo was definitely
00:41:45a terrible choice by Geisel
00:41:47to assume the presidency of the Republic
00:41:49during this transition period.
00:41:50He had no competence.
00:41:52to articulate,
00:41:54to discuss,
00:41:57to transact,
00:41:58as was typical of that process.
00:42:01We have a man, therefore,
00:42:02in a whirlwind
00:42:04extremely complex
00:42:05and his trajectory,
00:42:07your skills,
00:42:09your skills
00:42:11were entirely insufficient
00:42:13to deal with this.
00:42:22So, Figueiredo lost there.
00:42:25a great opportunity
00:42:27to establish himself as a political leader.
00:42:29This will weaken him.
00:42:31more and more
00:42:32and it will show itself in
00:42:35melancholic ending
00:42:37of your government,
00:42:38when he won't be able to
00:42:40make your successor
00:42:41and he will leave the government
00:42:44the way it came out,
00:42:46through the back door,
00:42:48forgotten,
00:42:50a completely failed government
00:42:53From an economic point of view.
00:42:55It seems that this was
00:42:56inevitable,
00:42:57but he could have done
00:42:59a political government
00:43:00successful,
00:43:02politically successful.
00:43:03And certainly,
00:43:05this failure,
00:43:07if it doesn't start,
00:43:10He is very marked.
00:43:11by the decision
00:43:13of not revealing
00:43:14the obvious truth
00:43:15in the case of the attack
00:43:17from Rio Centro.
00:43:18Today he became very isolated.
00:43:22And the Rio Centro
00:43:24That was the peak.
00:43:25of this isolation.
00:43:29From there
00:43:30There was nothing more to be done.
00:43:33The regime was
00:43:35with their days numbered.
00:43:38He wasn't going anymore.
00:43:39to manage the transition.
00:43:41It wasn't just going to be
00:43:42a controlled opening.
00:43:49It was going to be a process.
00:43:50of democratization itself.
00:43:55As it culminated
00:43:57with the Constitution.
00:43:58Now,
00:43:59Under negotiation.
00:44:00Because, in truth,
00:44:01on one side
00:44:02did not evict
00:44:07entirely the other.
00:44:08The first army,
00:44:09exactly,
00:44:10he had a part
00:44:12not only
00:44:13through
00:44:14of those
00:44:15considered
00:44:16and designated
00:44:17like pockets
00:44:18sincere
00:44:20of the dictatorship,
00:44:22those who were
00:44:23direct executors,
00:44:25sometimes,
00:44:26most of them
00:44:28of the serious violations,
00:44:30but also through
00:44:31from its highest ranks.
00:44:33We know
00:44:34that Silvio Frota
00:44:35was involved
00:44:37with these practices.
00:44:39We know
00:44:39what high-ranking personalities
00:44:42from the SNI
00:44:43were involved
00:44:45with these practices.
00:44:48Newton Cruz,
00:44:48for example,
00:44:49he confesses
00:44:50who had the information
00:44:52of the episode
00:44:53from Rio Centro
00:44:54before him
00:44:55to happen.
00:44:58Golberi,
00:44:58do Couto e Silva,
00:45:00was the figure
00:45:00intellectual
00:45:01most important
00:45:03and that
00:45:04what else
00:45:04I could think
00:45:05the future of the country
00:45:07in the military forces.
00:45:09After,
00:45:10He leaves the government.
00:45:11very hurt
00:45:12and very upset
00:45:15exactly
00:45:16due to incapacity
00:45:17de Figueiredo,
00:45:18He was a minister.
00:45:19of Figueiredo,
00:45:20from the Civil House,
00:45:21he was capable
00:45:22to accept
00:45:23that there would be no punishments.
00:45:25He wanted the punishments.
00:45:26because he believed
00:45:27that the punishments
00:45:29they would end up doing
00:45:30with what the army
00:45:31if it became professional
00:45:33and abandon
00:45:34Politics.
00:45:35Golberi,
00:45:37he creates the monster,
00:45:38it builds muscle
00:45:40to that monster,
00:45:41it absorbs
00:45:43all doctrine
00:45:45American,
00:45:47the military
00:45:48everyone was going
00:45:49to the United States
00:45:50to learn
00:45:51how to operate
00:45:52the secret service
00:45:53and when
00:45:54this secret service
00:45:55turns
00:45:56against Golberi,
00:45:57Golberi
00:45:59He leaves the government.
00:46:00right after
00:46:01of the attack
00:46:03from Rio Centro,
00:46:05He leaves the government.
00:46:06accusing
00:46:07that had created
00:46:08A monster.
00:46:09He had,
00:46:09in fact,
00:46:10A monster was created.
00:46:11but that monster
00:46:12It's the mirror.
00:46:13of Golberi.
00:46:35when the police from Rio Grande do Sul
00:46:37seized documents
00:46:38at Colonel Molinas' house,
00:46:40Julio Molinas,
00:46:42who had been murdered
00:46:43in an alleged robbery
00:46:45on the outskirts
00:46:46from Porto Alegre,
00:46:48he collected it there
00:46:49some documents
00:46:50which are, therefore,
00:46:52Historic, right?
00:46:53At the time,
00:46:55Colonel Molinas,
00:46:56He was the boss.
00:46:57DOI
00:46:57here in Rio,
00:46:58He was the commander.
00:47:00He was number 1.
00:47:01DOI 0-1.
00:47:02And there,
00:47:04at his house,
00:47:05the police found
00:47:07a handwritten document
00:47:08in which he guides
00:47:10your subordinates
00:47:11how to act
00:47:13in the sense of
00:47:14to defraud
00:47:15the true story
00:47:17who was behind
00:47:18of the attack.
00:47:19This document is essential.
00:47:21because, in this way,
00:47:22It is conclusive proof.
00:47:23of direct involvement
00:47:26of the commander
00:47:27in that action.
00:47:28if you have a document
00:47:29showing
00:47:30that he advised
00:47:31the military
00:47:32how to proceed,
00:47:34It's obvious that
00:47:35It was right there,
00:47:37let's say,
00:47:38it was at least
00:47:39knowledge
00:47:40of the chain of command.
00:47:50Goodnight.
00:47:53I'm just a guest.
00:47:55I came here to
00:47:57just
00:47:58Call someone else.
00:48:07For life,
00:48:08day by day,
00:48:09I'm stepping into having a child.
00:48:09who doesn't pay,
00:48:11and,
00:48:11and,
00:48:13and,
00:48:13and,
00:48:13and,
00:48:13and,
00:48:15intertwined hearts
00:48:16during the vigils,
00:48:17in battles,
00:48:19and,
00:48:19and,
00:48:20and,
00:48:20and,
00:48:20and,
00:48:21and,
00:48:21and,
00:48:21and,
00:48:21and,
00:48:23and,
00:48:23and,
00:48:24and,
00:48:25and,
00:48:28They were presented as victims.
00:48:30of this action.
00:48:30The second IPM of Rio Centro,
00:48:33led by General Conforto,
00:48:35in 99,
00:48:37he,
00:48:37he added to the story
00:48:39a fundamental decision,
00:48:42a historic decision,
00:48:43which was the change in the Army's positioning
00:48:47Regarding the matter.
00:48:48The Army understood.
00:48:49that the occupants of the Puma
00:48:52They had not been victims,
00:48:54and yes, the authors of the action.
00:48:56The person responsible for that bomb
00:48:57They were exactly
00:48:58the captain,
00:48:59at the time,
00:49:00and the sergeant.
00:49:01Only them,
00:49:02No one else.
00:49:03And the sergeant died there.
00:49:04Because the bomb exploded in his lap.
00:49:06Captain Machado,
00:49:08Wilson Machado,
00:49:09He was indicted.
00:49:10along with other alleged perpetrators of the action.
00:49:15That, for me,
00:49:15This is a historic change.
00:49:18In practice, it is
00:49:20with the final report of this IPM,
00:49:22The army admitting its guilt.
00:49:27Between an IPM of 81 and the second,
00:49:32I think that's what changed.
00:49:33It was societal pressure.
00:49:35It's a word that sums it all up.
00:49:38Democracy.
00:49:39You couldn't impose a farce.
00:49:42to public opinion.
00:49:44That's unacceptable, isn't it?
00:49:45And I saw that there was a significant effort involved.
00:49:48an effort was made
00:49:49so,
00:49:51from General Conforto,
00:49:53By then it should already be in reserve.
00:49:55in the sense of doing a job
00:49:57decent.
00:49:58Now,
00:49:59This simply didn't have any further developments.
00:50:01in military justice
00:50:02and not even in the Supreme Federal Court,
00:50:05because the judicial authorities
00:50:08understood
00:50:09that the crime had been
00:50:12protected by the amnesty law,
00:50:14He was covered by the amnesty law.
00:50:16therefore,
00:50:17Their authors would be granted amnesty.
00:50:21Now,
00:50:21That's an open question.
00:50:23She is undecided.
00:50:25There was a new complaint.
00:50:27based on a third
00:50:29major investigation,
00:50:31now led by the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office,
00:50:34and the case is handed over
00:50:35to the Supreme Federal Court.
00:50:38In truth,
00:50:38the investigation
00:50:392012
00:50:412014
00:50:43involved
00:50:44the collection of testimonies,
00:50:45more than 42 testimonies,
00:50:47some of them
00:50:47that had never been taken,
00:50:49and took
00:50:50to the accusation
00:50:51of six people,
00:50:53including
00:50:54people who hadn't shown up
00:50:56until then
00:50:56in the investigations,
00:50:57as
00:50:57Major Vani Barros,
00:50:59that received
00:51:01an order from Molinas
00:51:02to go there
00:51:02after the attack
00:51:04and suppress evidence
00:51:05from the location.
00:51:07This new investigation
00:51:08It has progressed much further.
00:51:10The prosecutors in charge
00:51:12they had something
00:51:13that the president of IPM
00:51:15didn't have
00:51:16in 1999,
00:51:18what it was
00:51:18a judge
00:51:20taking precautionary measures
00:51:21in the sense
00:51:22to break the secrecy.
00:51:23Then,
00:51:24I think that's it,
00:51:24one advance
00:51:25of the farce
00:51:26as much as possible,
00:51:28of the possible
00:51:29to reality.
00:51:35the harm
00:51:35from Mexico
00:51:35and
00:51:43the
00:51:44training
00:51:46What is that?
00:52:16Throughout history, there is a right time for making the big decisions.
00:52:25The day has come to send to Congress the bill granting amnesty to those who have committed political crimes or
00:52:36connected.
00:52:37Only those convicted by military courts for acts of terrorism are excluded from the amnesty.
00:52:47I have thought a great deal about this exclusion.
00:52:52The terrorist does not turn against the government or the regime.
00:52:57His crime is a crime against humanity.
00:53:00President João Figueiredo is now signing the amnesty bill, which also provides for other measures.
00:53:22The idea of amnesty, which means forgetting, has something disturbing about it in this legal-political notion.
00:53:34Amnesty means forgetting, which, in reality, means that no form of memory is produced.
00:53:45Don't worry about fulfilling an essential requirement of Brazil, which is to mourn the violence you suffered.
00:53:54during this period.
00:53:55So, the amnesty was very useful at the time; it allowed the exiles to return and was essential for the reconfiguration of the camp.
00:54:06politician at the time, in the late 70s.
00:54:09But it was extremely inadequate at the time and continues to leave much to be desired.
00:54:18The dictatorship wasn't overthrown; it was overcome by this, let's say, agreement, by this pact.
00:54:28And the main point, from my perspective, the principal agreement was, don't mess with us.
00:54:35The past is the past.
00:54:36In 1979, the amnesty law was enacted, which is something sui generis, generically granting amnesty to those who tortured, those who killed, those who
00:54:51He disappeared, and whoever caused his disappearance was granted amnesty.
00:54:55So, the main clause of that contract was the impunity of public officials who committed human rights abuses during that period.
00:55:06dictatorial.
00:55:06The amnesty law was a mistake, a mistake that the movement that pushed for and fought against must have understood.
00:55:16Deeply disappointed.
00:55:18Imagine Iramaia, Benjamim, people who fought so hard for amnesty, and in the end, an amnesty was granted to notorious criminals.
00:55:27Our demonstration for broad, general, and restricted amnesty is entirely peaceful.
00:55:33We are peacefully in the streets, demanding a broad, general, and restricted amnesty.
00:55:38I say this because there are provocateurs throwing leaflets and inciting disorder.
00:55:43No, pay attention to this pamphlet.
00:55:47Remain loyal to the leadership of the demonstration.
00:55:50This demonstration is a peaceful demonstration.
00:55:54We will not accept provocations from any group.
00:56:01Even worse, it was dragged into a period when it wasn't in effect.
00:56:06It dates back to '79 and was extended simply by court decisions to '80, '81, '82.
00:56:15And Brazil is a country that is fed up with amnesties.
00:56:20He needs justice, not amnesties.
00:56:28The amnesty law was accepted by all of us at the time.
00:56:33The instructions were given by everyone.
00:56:35Why?
00:56:36It did not criminalize.
00:56:38We had done some things that, if we were to do them today, even today,
00:56:42The prosecutors argue that the statute of limitations has not expired.
00:56:47type of concealment of corpses.
00:56:50The kidnapping, in theory, has not expired.
00:56:52And through the amnesty, you see, the understanding is that everything has been prescribed.
00:56:57So, it was beneficial.
00:56:59Memories of a Dirty War, the account of the converted policeman,
00:57:04Cláudio Guerra impressed me very much.
00:57:09First of all, it's a long confession.
00:57:13He is very explicit in that he is not aiming for forgiveness.
00:57:20This verbal manifestation of the crime, of the complexity of interconnected crimes.
00:57:30in the place that clandestinity occupies during this period,
00:57:34It's very impressive.
00:57:36Given the lack of similar confessions, of similar accounts,
00:57:41He is, in fact, the man behind the burning of the files.
00:57:44He is the extermination man.
00:57:46He is the man whose purpose, within this clandestine apparatus,
00:57:51It's about dealing with erasing the traces.
00:57:53Someone who will turn bodies into nothing.
00:57:58In history, we have several specialties that deal with traumatic events.
00:58:05One, naturally, is based on the testimony of the victims.
00:58:11But there is also a specialty, which is less known to the general public,
00:58:17which is the testimony of the executioners, of the perpetrators.
00:58:21So, we must always work in a very critical manner in relation to
00:58:27both the testimony of the victims, so as not to sacrosanctly interpret the victim's version,
00:58:36as well as to avoid humanizing the abuser too much.
00:58:40Because the officer says, "Ah, but I was just following orders."
00:58:44I have now redeemed myself and I am no longer what I was because I have found Jesus.
00:58:51Well, we also have to be careful not to humanize this person too much.
00:58:57Because, after all, she did commit an atrocity.
00:59:12In addition to a partial amnesty, it was elitist, applying only to officers.
00:59:18The soldiers were not granted amnesty.
00:59:20A vengeful, brutal deal.
00:59:22And the squares continue fighting to this day.
00:59:25Those who obtained amnesty, sergeants, corporals and such, warrant officers, soldiers,
00:59:31These people need to be granted amnesty through the courts.
00:59:34So, this amnesty was neither broad, nor general, nor unrestricted.
00:59:38It was a partial and elitist amnesty.
00:59:41And another thing, we don't accept that kind of reciprocity.
00:59:44Amnesty with the compensation being the non-punishment and non-trial of torturers and murderers.
00:59:56We think they should go to the defendant's bench.
00:59:59Therefore, we continue fighting for a true amnesty.
01:00:03Unlike in Argentina and Chile, in Argentina, Videla died in a cell measuring three by four.
01:00:11In Brazil, no one was punished.
01:00:13Nothing, nothing, nothing, nothing.
01:00:15And this broad, general, and unrestricted amnesty was not discussed with anyone.
01:00:20except for the group of civilians who supported them.
01:00:23If that was the only possible arrangement at the time, it shouldn't be disregarded either.
01:00:28as something that was part of that political context.
01:00:33Now, what seems to me is that the amnesty law, as it was published,
01:00:37In the twilight of a dictatorial government,
01:00:41which was practically a pardon for all the atrocities that had been committed,
01:00:47It cannot be considered a valid law.
01:00:50This was, in fact, the conclusion of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
01:00:55saying that self-amnesties, which are amnesties granted even during the period of exception,
01:01:01with restrictions on Congress, with unelected, appointed members of parliament,
01:01:06She does not represent the popular will.
01:01:11I think it was a victory for the democratic forces.
01:01:14who had been advocating for this for a long time.
01:01:17Amnesty is part of this process.
01:01:23in which the military regime negotiated the amnesty.
01:01:30It was a decisive moment in the amnesty.
01:01:33The return of Brizola, the return of Prestes,
01:01:35They were veritable rallies to welcome the exiles at the airports.
01:01:44And all of this will culminate in the elections later on, in '82.
01:01:51The amnesty was an important step in the democratization of the country.
01:02:07Eight years away from Brazil, without seeing all these faces,
01:02:10all these friends,
01:02:13I hope that when I get here, with so many hugs,
01:02:16of people I never thought I'd see again...
01:02:27I can't say any more. Thank you, thank you so much, for everything you've done.
01:02:32...
01:02:59Music
01:03:10Everything that could be done has already been done.
01:03:13I don't think there's any advantage in stirring up such a distant past.
01:03:21I support a review of the amnesty law, without a doubt.
01:03:24The amnesty law, insofar as it formulated, albeit ambiguously, this protection for torturers,
01:03:37It needs to be reviewed.
01:03:38I wouldn't say it's been revoked, but it should be reviewed in this particular aspect.
01:03:42Society needs to mobilize, it needs to organize and defend itself.
01:03:49and create a movement that is truly powerful enough to get this law reviewed.
01:04:08The hallmark of the transition to democracy in Brazil is frustration.
01:04:14At least for a large part of the left and democratic forces, there is frustration with the amnesty.
01:04:21that did not punish those responsible for torture, the end of the dictatorship that was not marked by a break,
01:04:30through a break, with a direct election, but with this lukewarm thing that was the indirect election.
01:04:39On top of everything, Tancredo Neves dies, causing great national commotion.
01:04:45and the inauguration of José Sarney, who until the day before was the political leader of the dictatorship.
01:04:51Tancredo's plan is: I won't create problems for you, and you won't create problems for me.
01:04:57At the beginning of Sarney's government, Sarney will maintain this plan of Tancredo's.
01:05:01The military takes advantage of this and moves up a level.
01:05:04So much so that Sarney, the Sarney government, is constantly under the tutelage of the military.
01:05:09The military there is the one calling the shots at various times.
01:05:14So, the military is not punished, they are not removed from the center of power.
01:05:24The men who had carried out the repression, who had killed, who had tortured,
01:05:31They remain within the state.
01:05:33The captain who participated in the Rio Centro operation will be a professor at the Military College of Brasília.
01:05:42So, this impunity that was planned by Tancredo and carried out by Sarney,
01:05:52and then guaranteed by all the civilian presidents who came after,
01:05:57This will be very damaging to Brazil, because it sends a signal to public officials in the security sector.
01:06:05that which sometimes carries a revolver, that which allows him to act outside the law,
01:06:10that he could eventually even torture or kill, that impunity will be a possibility.
01:06:17It amazes me how, after such a broad amnesty law, it still...
01:06:25It's very difficult to get accounts from military personnel about what happened during the dictatorship. Why?
01:06:33You touch on a very curious problem, a certain fidelity to this secrecy,
01:06:41loyalty to this training, to this technique of destruction and extermination.
01:06:49I think the movement of destroying bodies, of torture, of unrestrained violence,
01:06:59practically, with what these devices were allowed to operate,
01:07:05And this also coincides with a very specific type of training, which is Brazilian military training.
01:07:13The militias in Rio de Janeiro are here to prove this promiscuity.
01:07:18between the official way the police operate and the unofficial, clandestine, and criminal way they operate.
01:07:29This promiscuity is inherent to the Brazilian military police movement.
01:07:35So, in a way, these operators of the clandestine repressive machine are there.
01:07:45They are there.
01:07:47They continue to operate without restriction.
01:07:51Because we are unable to produce any minimally satisfactory form of justice.
01:08:28The Armed Forces, they destroyed part of the archives.
01:08:33like an operation to destroy evidence of crimes.
01:08:38This needs to be made very clear.
01:08:40And in another practice, they kept,
01:08:42because maintaining archives is part of Brazilian military doctrine.
01:08:49Keep your files very safe.
01:08:52This is part of the doctrine.
01:08:53The Army does not destroy its memory.
01:08:56The Army hides its memory.
01:09:17The National Truth Commission
01:09:19She obtained an important collection of microfilms from the Navy.
01:09:26which shows the following,
01:09:28that the Navy, in just one year,
01:09:32He microfilmed over one million pages of classified documents.
01:09:39It was a material that could fit inside a room.
01:09:43It was transformed into each page the size of a fingernail.
01:09:48And it all fit inside a shoebox.
01:09:55The receipt of these 2,300 microfilms,
01:10:01which was the technology for archiving old documents,
01:10:05in the 70s,
01:10:07It is the result of a process of conversation with various people in the military field.
01:10:12After the death of a sergeant in Rio de Janeiro,
01:10:19the sergeant's wife and discovered it in the suitcase,
01:10:23somewhere, in the wardrobe,
01:10:26a box containing these microfilms.
01:10:30We had to find a machine that still worked.
01:10:32to transform the microfilm into paper.
01:10:35This material was delivered by me.
01:10:39to the National Truth Commission,
01:10:43all microfilms,
01:10:46with copies of the documentation in paper form,
01:10:49and it was the largest volume of documents
01:10:51which the Commission has already received and had the opportunity to analyze.
01:10:59Brazil was the last country in the region.
01:11:03to establish its National Truth Commission,
01:11:06Twenty years late.
01:11:08Brazil provided the least infrastructure.
01:11:12to its National Truth Commission.
01:11:15In fact, this commission was planned.
01:11:19to pretend that Brazil
01:11:21would have settled his accounts with the past,
01:11:25because Brazil is condemned by the OAS
01:11:30opening the information
01:11:35than what happened in the Araguaia guerrilla war,
01:11:38in the Araguaia guerrilla war,
01:11:39in the early 70s.
01:11:41When you have members of the PCdoB.
01:11:45who are decimated and their bodies disappear,
01:11:50because the army, the navy, and the air force
01:11:53They make those bodies disappear.
01:11:56and Brazil, years later,
01:11:58He is ordered by the OAS to release this information.
01:12:01And the Brazilian state doesn't do that.
01:12:03Fernando Henrique doesn't do that.
01:12:05Lula doesn't do that, and Dilma doesn't do that.
01:12:08Therefore, the National Truth Commission is created.
01:12:11as a palliative measure,
01:12:13since the State is not fulfilling its legal obligation.
01:12:17to open this information,
01:12:19The National Truth Commission is created.
01:12:21and this obligation to disclose this information
01:12:23It is outsourced to a group.
01:12:26that has no structure,
01:12:27who doesn't have time to work,
01:12:29who does not have access to the information,
01:12:32And the result is pathetic.
01:12:35I think that, given this pluralistic formation
01:12:39with people who had a distinct political background
01:12:43and ideological formation,
01:12:48The Commission came in somewhat unprepared.
01:12:51for the work from the point of view of the whole
01:12:55that he was going to face.
01:12:56So, I think maybe the members
01:12:58have not understood the regulations
01:13:00to which we were subjected
01:13:03and that was, in fact, in the law itself.
01:13:05that constituted us,
01:13:07the Human Rights Commission Act,
01:13:09and this law subordinated us
01:13:12to a set of understandings
01:13:15With what we needed to face were the facts.
01:13:18To know what crimes against humanity were,
01:13:21serious human rights violations,
01:13:24to know what kind of truth it was
01:13:26that we had to tell,
01:13:29to know how we should work with the victims,
01:13:33how should we relate to each other
01:13:34with civil society,
01:13:37advertising, transparency.
01:13:39I don't think we've reached those levels.
01:13:43a logo of understanding,
01:13:46as soon as we joined the committee.
01:13:48But, in the end,
01:13:50I think we managed to understand.
01:13:52and produce relevant work.
01:14:05From my point of view,
01:14:07the main obstacle
01:14:09for the investigation of crimes committed during the dictatorship.
01:14:12on the part of the truth commissions
01:14:14It was the lack of cooperation from the Brazilian State.
01:14:17particularly the Armed Forces,
01:14:19who did not cooperate,
01:14:21They covered up the crimes of their predecessors.
01:14:28The final report of the truth commission
01:14:32It's a lengthy report.
01:14:33a report that, in many respects,
01:14:35It simply recorded what was already known.
01:14:39In the case of Rio Centro, for example,
01:14:44the truth commission's report
01:14:45It presented nothing new.
01:14:47He simply cited the new evidence.
01:14:49which the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office had obtained.
01:14:51So, in many respects,
01:14:53The report seems insufficient to me.
01:14:55because the commission could have moved forward
01:14:58in many respects
01:14:59in the investigation of these crimes.
01:15:02I think the fact
01:15:03of having been implemented
01:15:05the National Truth Commission in 2012
01:15:07and, incidentally,
01:15:09in the government of a former guerrilla fighter,
01:15:11There was a connotation there.
01:15:13very strong symbolic meaning.
01:15:18There has never been so much talk about dictatorship.
01:15:21that this really caused
01:15:23a feeling of unease there
01:15:24on the far right,
01:15:26although still in its early stages in the country,
01:15:28but which has some dissenting voices
01:15:31who are still calling for the return of the military.
01:15:33I think that bothered him a lot.
01:15:35And then you have the whole commission process.
01:15:38that investigates these crimes
01:15:40and that is, today,
01:15:42the official document of the Brazilian State
01:15:44and that points
01:15:45like another document
01:15:47I had never done it before.
01:15:48a chain of command.
01:15:55You've had it since the President of the Republic.
01:15:58until we arrive
01:16:00in the lowest-ranking military officer
01:16:04who was the guy
01:16:05who directly carried out the repression
01:16:08to the person who either died
01:16:11or that disappeared,
01:16:12as the documents show.
01:16:14It's over 3,000 pages.
01:16:17of documentation and reports
01:16:20of serious human rights violations.
01:16:22You arrive on December 10, 2014.
01:16:28You have the official delivery,
01:16:29you have that emotional speech
01:16:31Dilma receiving,
01:16:32And then you have that feeling of frustration.
01:16:36because you see the project
01:16:38in a way that,
01:16:40with all the tensions
01:16:42that the year 2015
01:16:43showed it to Dilma's second government,
01:16:47In a way, it's been shelved.
01:16:49Despite
01:16:50that some of the 29 recommendations
01:16:53what the CNV did to the Brazilian government,
01:16:56They were already being put into practice.
01:16:582014, the fiftieth anniversary of the coup,
01:17:01He was practically ignored.
01:17:03The few parties
01:17:05which they had from military circles,
01:17:07They were closed.
01:17:09You didn't have an open celebration.
01:17:18Yes, I do consider it so.
01:17:20that the commission managed to reach
01:17:21to a concept of truth,
01:17:23to an understanding of the truth
01:17:24with their circumstances.
01:17:27There is an understanding
01:17:28that truth implies
01:17:29in naming authors,
01:17:32that it wasn't an issue
01:17:33very well understood.
01:17:35In principle,
01:17:36there was a dominant position
01:17:39to appoint the military
01:17:40as those responsible,
01:17:42but not to name
01:17:43the 377 authors
01:17:47with regard to which
01:17:48if there was evidence of participation,
01:17:50or because they were in positions of command.
01:17:54and they had the responsibility,
01:17:56including from a military point of view,
01:17:59what it was made of
01:18:00under his command,
01:18:02or because they managed bodies
01:18:05where it was practiced
01:18:07serious violations,
01:18:08tortures and executions,
01:18:11extermination, death,
01:18:12or because they were direct perpetrators
01:18:16of the serious violations,
01:18:17of torture
01:18:18and other forms of barbarity
01:18:22that happened during that period.
01:18:23The report
01:18:25that the National Truth Commission
01:18:28presents to us
01:18:30and today it becomes public
01:18:31it is the result
01:18:33two years
01:18:34and seven months
01:18:35of intense work.
01:18:37Us,
01:18:37the federal government,
01:18:40let's delve into it
01:18:41Regarding the report.
01:18:43Let's take a look.
01:18:45the recommendations
01:18:47and the proposals
01:18:48of the Commission
01:18:49and of them
01:18:51take all
01:18:52the consequences
01:18:53necessary.
01:18:54At the ceremony
01:18:56installation
01:18:56of the National Commission
01:18:57of the Truth
01:18:58in May 2012,
01:19:00I said
01:19:01that ignorance
01:19:02about history
01:19:02not peaceful,
01:19:04that Brazil
01:19:06He deserved the truth.
01:19:08that the new generations
01:19:09They deserved the truth.
01:19:11and above all,
01:19:13They deserved the truth.
01:19:15those who lost,
01:19:17family members,
01:19:18relatives,
01:19:19friends,
01:19:19companions
01:19:20and that
01:19:21They continue to suffer.
01:19:24and that
01:19:48do not be
01:19:50Normally,
01:19:51the agreements
01:19:51in the country
01:19:52they always
01:19:52negotiated
01:19:53and negotiated
01:19:53over
01:19:54so that
01:19:55our elite
01:19:57continue holding
01:19:59power and economic power,
01:20:01anyway,
01:20:01political power.
01:20:02I think
01:20:03that we
01:20:04you can see
01:20:04exactly
01:20:05at a moment
01:20:06now
01:20:06that exploded
01:20:08from 2013 onwards,
01:20:10but, above all,
01:20:11in 2016
01:20:12with the impeachment
01:20:13by President Dilma.
01:20:15I was there.
01:20:15in the Chamber of Deputies,
01:20:17I participated
01:20:18on that fateful night
01:20:20from the voting,
01:20:21admission
01:20:23admission
01:20:23of impeachment
01:20:23in the Chamber of Deputies
01:20:25and each one
01:20:26of the deputies
01:20:26that went up there
01:20:27He shouted that he was
01:20:28casting your vote
01:20:29against corruption.
01:20:30The vast majority
01:20:31They're corrupt, right?
01:20:33Some, in fact,
01:20:34prisoners
01:20:36Right after that, right?
01:20:38Due to operations
01:20:39from the Federal Police,
01:20:40investigations
01:20:41That's the Federal Police's job.
01:20:43The plenary session of the Chamber
01:20:44approved the authorization
01:20:46so that it can be opened
01:20:47the impeachment process
01:20:48against President Dilma Rousseff.
01:20:50The decision came out
01:20:51on Sunday night,
01:20:52after more than nine hours
01:20:54of an extraordinary session
01:20:56that goes down in history.
01:20:57The impeachment process
01:21:00by Dilma Rousseff,
01:21:02It wasn't a coup.
01:21:04It certainly was,
01:21:06a process
01:21:06very, very
01:21:09marked
01:21:10due to irregularities,
01:21:13due to injustice,
01:21:14due to misunderstandings
01:21:16and for a
01:21:18expression
01:21:19of Brazilian authoritarianism.
01:21:24This authoritarianism
01:21:26always present
01:21:27in Brazil,
01:21:28according to which
01:21:30we
01:21:33it should
01:21:34take
01:21:34determined
01:21:35measures
01:21:37quick,
01:21:39bypassing
01:21:40the Constitution,
01:21:41including,
01:21:42to solve
01:21:43our problems.
01:21:44The impeachment
01:21:45of the president
01:21:46Dilma Rousseff
01:21:47It was nothing else.
01:21:49otherwise a coup
01:21:50of the State.
01:21:50a coup carried out
01:21:52by Parliament
01:21:53Brazilian
01:21:54with
01:21:56connivance
01:21:56by omission
01:21:57or by commission
01:21:58of
01:21:59Public Prosecutor's Office
01:22:01Federal
01:22:02and the Judiciary
01:22:03Brazilian.
01:22:04The deciding vote
01:22:05for acceptance
01:22:06of impeachment
01:22:07was given by
01:22:08Congressman Bruno Araújo
01:22:10from the PSDB
01:22:11from Pernambuco.
01:22:12Pernambuco
01:22:13never lacked
01:22:15to Brazil.
01:22:16That's why
01:22:17I say to Brazil,
01:22:18Yes, for the future!
01:22:23We don't have
01:22:25an abrupt transition
01:22:26of the dictatorship
01:22:27for democracy.
01:22:28We go out
01:22:29of the dictatorship
01:22:30in 1985,
01:22:32in 2016
01:22:34we still
01:22:34we are
01:22:35in transition
01:22:36democratic.
01:22:36So there is
01:22:3730 years
01:22:38that we
01:22:39left a place
01:22:41wanting to arrive
01:22:42in another
01:22:42and we are
01:22:43in the middle,
01:22:44we are somewhere
01:22:45or are we
01:22:47in place
01:22:47none.
01:22:48Because we
01:22:50It's in limbo.
01:22:52we are
01:22:52in a vacuum,
01:22:54trying
01:22:55very slowly
01:22:57build
01:22:58democracy
01:23:00in Brazil
01:23:00and with several
01:23:02agents
01:23:03who play
01:23:04against that.
01:23:04and there
01:23:29we
01:23:33no
01:23:48I must tell you something that is very important.
01:23:55In the middle of the show, during the show,
01:24:02They exploded, I said, they exploded, two bombs.
01:24:10These two bombs that exploded,
01:24:14There were two more attempts to end the event.
01:24:19about this party that was achieved.
01:24:32These two bombs represent exactly
01:24:40a fight to destroy what we all want,
01:24:46A democracy and freedom.
01:24:50Remember, folks,
01:24:53I'll defend this party from you next year.
01:24:57Please excuse the trouble.
01:25:00The party is yours.
01:25:02The party is yours.
01:25:32The party is yours.
01:25:33The party is yours.
01:25:36The party is yours.
01:25:39The party is yours.
01:25:40The party is yours.
01:25:41The party is yours.
01:25:42The party is yours.
01:25:42The party is yours.
01:25:43The party is yours.
01:25:44The party is yours.
01:25:44The party is yours.
01:25:49The party is yours.
01:25:50The party is yours.
01:25:51The party is yours.
01:25:54The party is yours.
01:25:54The party is yours.
01:25:55The party is yours.
01:25:56The party is yours.
01:25:56The party is yours.
01:25:57The party is yours.
01:25:57The party is yours.
01:25:59The party is yours.
01:26:02The party is yours.
01:26:02The party is yours.
01:26:04The party is yours.
01:26:04The party is yours.
01:26:05The party is yours.
01:26:05The party is yours.
01:26:07The party is yours.
01:26:09The party is yours.
01:26:12The party is yours.
01:26:13The party is yours.
01:26:15The party is yours.
01:26:17The party is yours.
01:26:21The party is yours.
01:26:21Amen.
01:26:52Amen.
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