--VOLATILE REGIONS--

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IRAQ IN FRAGMENTS PART 1 OF 5 An opus in three parts, Iraq In Fragments offers a series of intimate, passionately-felt portraits: A fatherless 11-year-old is apprenticed to the domineering owner of a Baghdad garage; Sadr followers in two Shiite cities rally for regional elections while enforcing Islamic law at the point of a gun; a family of Kurdish farmers welcomes the US presence, which has allowed them a measure of freedom previously denied. American director James Longley spent more than two years filming in Iraq to create this stunningly photographed, poetically rendered documentary of the war-torn country as seen through the eyes of Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds. Winner of Best Director, Best Cinematography and Best Editing awards in the 2006 Sundance Film Festival documentary competition, the film was also awarded the Grand Jury Prize at the 2006 Full Frame Documentary Film Festival.

IRAQ IN FRAGMENTS PART 2 OF 5 Iraq in Fragments is not a documentary of the war, or even an indictment of the United States involvement in that country, in spite of Longley's own political views, which he mostly keeps to himself. Longley deliberately took a step back from the politics to record history in the making through the portraits of three distinct segments of Iraqi society. The cinematography throughout the film is simply stunning. I saw Iraq in Fragments at the Cinerama, which boasts Seattle's biggest movie screen, and I would highly recommend catching it at a theater rather than waiting for the DVD release. Longley's filmmaking style transports you to the streets of Baghdad, the heart of Sadr political rallies, and the quiet of the Kurdish countryside, as he paints a portrait of a fractured country and its people far more powerful than a mere war documentary. This is a window into the lives of a people, not so different from you and me, living through a poltical upheaval that could well be a stone that casts waves far beyond Iraq's borders in the future. Longley captures their struggle -- Sunni, Shia and Kurd -- to determine their country's path. Time will tell how the pieces of Iraq will fit together in the long run, but in the meantime, Iraq in Fragments gives us a peek into a country long torn by conflict, and the people struggling to survive there. Kim Voynar, Cinematical.com

IRAQ IN FRAGMENTS PART 3 OF 5 Iraq In Fragments illuminates post-war Iraq in three acts, building a vivid picture of a country pulled in different directions by religion and ethnicity. Filmed in cinema verité style, the film powerfully explores the lives of ordinary Iraqis: people whose thoughts, beliefs, aspirations, and concerns are at once personal and illustrative of larger issues in Iraq today. Part One follows Mohammed Haithem, an 11-year-old auto mechanic in the mixed Sheik Omar neighborhood in the heart of old Baghdad. With his father missing, Mohammed idolizes his domineering boss, working feverishly for approval and affection. Several years behind in school and waylaid by war’s intervention, he’s torn between education and apprenticeship. Through Mohammed's eyes we see a growing disenchantment with the U.S.-led occupation, as well as tensions between Shia and Sunni Iraqis. Part Two is filmed inside the Shiite political/religious movement of Moqtada Sadr, traveling between Naseriyah and the holy city of Najaf. As tensions mount inside the country, we see the inner workings of Iraqi local politics as the Sadr movement pushes for regional elections and enforces their interpretation of Islamic law. Assuming control over the region, Mehdi Army militia overtake open markets and imprison suspected merchants of alcohol. Detainees and their impoverished families plea for mercy from this new authority. Part Three follows Iraqi Kurds as they assert their bid for independence, rebelling against the past atrocities of Baghdad rule. We follow these developments through the eyes of brick makers and childhood friends on a farm south of Arbil. An elderly farmer ruminates on his family, his people, and God, mindful of the legacy they all share, while his teenaged son tends sheep and dreams of medical school despite his father's desire that he serve God.

CHANNEL4 DISPATCHES PRES. CHECHNYA: THE DIRTY WAR PART 1 OF 3 The military conflict in Chechnya has now been dragging on for more than ten years. During this war Moscow has tried every means possible to prevent it being reported in the press. And so all contacts with members of Chechen resistance are considered illegal. According to the latest report to the Human Rights Organization "Human Rights Watch", in 2004 some 1700 people disappeared in the Republic without trace, and illegal killings became commonplace. The filmmakers also met with Doku Umarov, Vice-Premier of the Chechen Government in exile, at Chechen rebel base. "For the Russians this was a great victory", said the films presenter. After enticing Maskhadov with promises to begin negotiations, they killed him. With his death, the last vetiges of faith among the Chechen resistance in the possibility of negotiations disappeared. In order to preserve Russias influence in Chechnya, President Putin is ready to support Ramzan Kadyrov, a man who, in the view of human rights organizations, bears responsibility for many disappearances of people and illegal killings. It even awarded Kadyrov with Russias highest award the title of Hero of Russia.

CHANNEL4 DISPATCHES PRES. CHECHNYA: THE DIRTY WAR PART 2 OF 3 Following the Dispatches Crew on the Beslan school siege, reporters Mariusz Pilis and Marcin Mamon travel to neighbouring Chechnya, one of the most dangerous places on earth, to report on what life is like after more than a decade of Chechen terrorism and Russian repression. Filmed over the course of nine months, the film reveals that what started as a separatist movement in 1994 has now become synonymous with terrorism. The creators of film saved up the biggest bombshell for the end. After complaining about the fact that the West no longer supports the Chechen resistance, Doku Umarov declared that from now on the war will be conducted by Chechen fighters using different methods. "We will now divide the regions of Russia between the commanders, so that this commander will deal with the western regions, this – with the Siberian regions, this – with the eastern ones. We will now set this work into implementation." "Maskadov's death”, said the film’s presenter, “convinced the leadership of fighters that it would be expedient to transfer the war to Russia’s economic centres. This solution was communicated to all fighters who were located outside the territory of Chechnya." And at the very end of the film the presenter drew this conclusion: "President Putin was able to convince the West of the fact that Chechnya is Russia’s internal problem and that the West has no right to interfere. At the same time he says that it is part of global war with terrorism. What began as a fight for the independence of a small republic may go far beyond its boundaries. This war now helps to feed the wider movement of an Islamic Jihad in the world, which threatens both the West and Russia.

CHANNEL4 DISPATCHES PRES. CHECHNYA: THE DIRTY WAR PART 3 OF 3 "Our film crew returned to Chechnya during May of this year,” said the presenter. “As before, Russian troops were in complete control of the situation in Chechnya. We were taken to the ceremony of the first anniversary of President Akhmat's Kadyrov’s death. This ceremony was not announced in public and was held a day early for reasons of security.” “In the course of the ceremony the fountains were turned on. And this in a city where the majority of people do not have running water in their houses. All the filming was done under the indefatigable supervision of Russian soldiers. And this in spite of the fact that Russia insists that the Chechens are managing their own affairs and that the republic is attempting to return to a normal course of life. According to the makers of the film, no one from the "Pro-Moscow Chechen government" was willing to meet with them or to give them an interview. And so, the presenter quietly explained, the film crew of the program "Dispatches", itself went off in search of fighters, as it had done in the past. As a result, the meeting of British journalists with the group of field commanders took place in the mountains: they included Alman Bakayev, who, as it was explained, on this occasion was dealing with the creation of small forces capable of delivering blows against government forces and targets. The film makers also met with Doku Umarov, vice-premier of the Chechen government in exile. The meeting took place at one of the bases of the Chechen fighters. "Never in my life have I seen the Chechen people in such humiliation and fear", Umarov said in the “Dispatches” interview.

CHANNEL4 DISPATCHES: IRAQ'S MISSING BILLIONS PART 2 OF 3 Details are now emerging of how other US companies massively overcharged for their work and failed to deliver on what they promised, and how contracts worth millions were subcontracted down to locals who were paid a fraction of what the big US companies were paid for the work. Hospitals were left with sewage floating in the kitchens and operating theatres, without the most basic life saving equipment despite contracts worth millions being handed out to US companies by Paul Bremer's interim government. Now Bremer's successor Dan Speckhard has said in response to this that it is: "water under the bridge" This week, as Iraq descends even further into hell, one wonders if the prospect of civil war could have been avoided if there had been a little more electricity, fresh water and the promise of better hospitals. The Iraqi people desperately needed some assurance; some proof that life might just get better, it never came. When the two men who make up Custer Battles - Scott Custer and Michael Battles, (who ran unsuccessfully as a Republican Congressional candidate in 2002) - arrived in Iraq, one former workmate said they didn't have enough money between them to pay the $15 airport tax. Within months they had contracts worth $37.5 million for security and transport work.

CHANNEL4 DISPATCHES: IRAQ'S MISSING BILLIONS PART 3 OF 3 In an investigation for Channel 4's Dispatches programme the Guardian sent their award winning Iraqi reporter, Ali Fadhil, to investigate the reality of the reconstruction on the ground by looking at a hospital for babies and children. As a doctor himself, Ali was able to offer a specialised insight. He discovered that often even crucial hospital projects were abandoned; basic works weren't carried out and the US companies were rarely called to account. Even in areas where there had been no security problems, work was abandoned. He discovered that the US Interim government in Baghdad pursued a policy of de-Baathification, which consisted of sacking everyone including those who understood how the country was run. In the case of the health service, for example, the job of running Iraq's health service was handed to a Republican sympathiser and health administrator from Michigan with almost no international health or post-conflict experience. The official US report into the rebuilding of Iraq blames unforeseen security costs, haphazard planning and shifting priorities for the failures. It ignores the fraud and profiteering despite the numerous cases now coming before the courts as whistleblowers come forward to describe army personnel packing thousands of pounds into backpacks and leaving the country. The cliche that it the Iraqi was "all about oil" has been repeated to the point of tedium, but the rebuilding of Iraq IS all about money and the Iraqis have not seen much of it. The average labourer is paid seven dollars a day and they have seen at least $20 billion worth of contracts handed out to American companies.

NUCLEAR NIGHTMARE: UNDERSTANDING NORTH KOREA PART 1 OF 3 The film NUCLEAR NIGHTMARE: UNDERSTANDING NORTH KOREAexamines the man behind the current nuclear crisis, Kim Jong Il, and the country he rules over with an iron fist. The one-hour documentary, produced by New York Times Television for the Discovery Channel, explores how Kim Jong Il, one of the last of the old style communist rulers, came to power, and how he has survived into the 21st century despite the enormous hardships and deprivation the people of North Korea have suffered, including a widespread famine in which more than a million citizens starved to death. North Korea, a nation imprisoned by poverty and with a population so hungry, people eat bugs and grass. Now this megalomaniacal dictator is holding the civilized world hostage with what many see as a cunning strategy of extortion, threatening to develop an arsenal of nuclear weapons. It’s a strategy by which the United States has indicated it cannot abide. Go behind the headlines to discover the little-understood origins and almost-stranger-than-truth facets of this dangerous confrontation. See a side of Kim Jong Il rarely revealed – his love of slasher flicks and his affinity for prostitutes – and learn why the United States may have no other palatable option than to play ball with Kim, allowing him to continue his weapons development program. If North Korea, as it promises, goes into nuclear production mode, giving Kim as many as 10 nuclear bombs within six months, it would create a destabilizing offensive nuclear capability that could touch off a regional arms race…and even nuclear war. It’s a game of international intrigue and high-stakes military strategy. But more importantly, it’s the story of destitute North Korea and its bizarre leader, and how he has brought the U.S. and the world face-to-face with the unimaginable.

CNN PRESENTS: INSIDE HEZBOLLAH PART 1 OF 2 Anderson Cooper narrates CNN Special Investigations: Inside Hezbollah, which takes an extensive look at the militant Shiite group Hezbollah and its part in the current crisis in the Middle East. Inside Hezbollah traces the group's history and examines its tactics of violence. Through interviews with military analysts, Middle East and terrorism experts, and representatives from Israel and Hezbollah, Inside Hezbollah explores what makes this conflict different from previous conflicts in the region.

CNN SPECIAL INVESTIGATIONS: INSIDE HEZBOLLAH PART 2 OF 2 Hezbollah is a Shi'a Islamic political and paramilitary organization based in Lebanon. It follows a distinct version of Islamist Shi'a ideology developed by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Hezbollah began to take shape during the Lebanese Civil War with three main goals comprising the eradication of what it viewed as Western colonialism in Lebanon, bringing to justice of those who committed atrocities during the war (specifically the Phalangists), and to establishing an Islamic government in Lebanon. Hezbollah has realized that the goal of transforming Lebanon into an Islamic state is not practical at this time and has temporarily abandoned it. Six countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, officially list Hezbollah or its external security arm as a terrorist organization. In addition, Hezbollah is often referred to as a radical Islamic group. These labels are controversial, as most of the Arab and Muslim worlds regard Hezbollah as a legitimate resistance movement. Hezbollah has popular support in Shi'a Lebanese society and has mobilized demonstrations of hundreds of thousands. In addition Hezbollah receives arms, training, and financial support from Iran and has "operated with Syria's blessing" since the end of the Civil War. Hezbollah, which started only with a militia, has grown to an organization which has seats in the Lebanese government, a radio and a satellite television station, and programs for social development. Since 1992 the organization has been headed by Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, its Secretary-General.

WAR OF LEBANON: OCCUPATION OF AN ARAB CAPITAL PART 1 OF 3The War of Lebanon is a 15-part documentary produced exclusively by Al Jazeera Satellite Channel and distributed worldwide by Sabbah Media Corporation. This 2-year project cost several hundred thousand dollars and entailed filming over 150 hours of interviews with the major players in the events that took place in Lebanon between 1976 - 1990. Over 200 tons of equipment were shipped and transported during filming. More than 20 people took part in the production. In addition to interviews, the program relied heavily on archive material, over 26 hours of film footage were viewed to provide the 6 hours used in the program. In addition, still photographs were purchased from international photo agencies such as Gamma, and from Lebanese newspapers. Other historical materials in the program include declassified US State Department documents. Moreover, the program presents in the 1st two episodes the historical background of the major events that influenced the course of the 15-year war. The War Of Lebanon - Episode 01 - Baptism of FireThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 02 - The Roots of ConflictThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 03 - ExplosionThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 04 - Death of a CountryThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 05 - Damascus IntervenesThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 06 - Fire and EmbersThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 07 - Zahle And The Indian SummerThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 08 - Sharon InvadesThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 09 - Occupation Of An Arab CapitalThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 10 - The MassacreThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 11 - Defeat of a SuperpowerThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 12 - ChaosThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 13 - Damascus ReturnsThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 14 - The StormThe War Of Lebanon - Episode 15 - The Accord to End War

WAR OF LEBANON: OCCUPATION OF AN ARAB CAPITAL PART 3 OF 3 Starting in 1968, Palestinian groups in southern Lebanon raided northern Israel, and bombarded Israeli towns with katyusha rockets. Secondly, Israel argued it could derail the establishment of a base of operations for the PLO, from which they could mount assaults in the international arena such as the 26 December 1968 attack on an Israeli civilian airliner in Athens. Another reason given for the invasion was as an intervention in the ongoing Lebanese Civil War to counteract Syrian influences in Lebanon, and possibly enable the establishment of a stable Lebanese leadership from the Christian population, which would strengthen a central Lebanese Army, restore security and agree to diplomatic relations with Israel. According to former chief of Israeli military intelligence Yehoshafat Harkabi, the 1982 invasion of Lebanon was accompanied by deceit at the highest political levels. Harkarbi cites misleading statements to the cabinet by Ariel Sharon and Begin, inaccurate announcements by Israel's military spokesmen and the Likud government's gross exaggeration of terrorist acts conducted from Lebanon. Defence Minister Rabin admitted in the Knesset that during the eleven-month ceasefire preceding the war, Israel's northern communities had been attacked only twice and that during this period Israel had suffered a total of two killed and six wounded from terrorist attacks. These attacks had been preceded by Israeli strikes in response to the planting of a bomb on a bus and the attack on Shlomo Argov.

AL-QAEDA: TURNING THE TERRORISTS PART 1 OF 3 Nasir Abas was a high ranking terrorist, one of the most wanted men in South East Asia as commander of the radical Islamist group Jemaah Islamiah, which is linked to Al Qaeda. Nasir Abas trained the Bali Bombers - he's even related to some of them - but now in an extraordinary turn of events he's training the very same police and intelligence officer who used to hunt him. Some of them say that I'm a traitor because I joined with the police, but I don't care about that, Nasir tells reporter Peter Taylor. For ten years Nasir was climbing the ranks of JI, becoming a senior instructor, both in Afghanistan and at secret bases in The Philippines. He taught his students how to kill, maim and bomb - battle skills for what he considered a jihad or holy war against foreign forces occupying Muslim lands. But the Bali bombing which killed 202 innocent civilian tourists and local workers also blew away his certainties. I still can't imagine what would happen if I was there sitting and eating a dinner and theres a bomb. I cannot imagine. I feel sad, I feel sympathy with what happened there, said Nasir Abas. These days Nasir has a new mission in life to stop more civilians dying because of Osama Bin Ladens bidding. Taylor finds that unlike the iron fist tactics favoured by the United States of secret renditions and jailing suspects at Guantanamo Bay, some governments in South East Asia are trying a velvet glove approach, engaging muslim to muslim and showing respect for their enemies. We shouldn't see these radical group as black and white.. that they are terrorists forever, said Ansyaad Mbai, Head of Counter Terrorism in Indonesia. In our experience no one can be the terrorist forever. Nasir isn't the only example of this more subtle approach. Taylor reveals that in The Philippines groups of local fighters have also been turned and are now combating their former terrorist partners.

AL-QAEDA: TURNING THE TERRORISTS PART 2 OF 3 In the fight against the international terrorist threat in Indonesia, one man has become an invaluable ally. Nasir Abbas explains why, after men he trained carried out the Bali bombing in 2002, he decided to change sides. He was a member of al-Qaeda's regional affiliate, Jemaah Islamiya (JI). The Malaysian trained the Bali bombers in Afghanistan, established a jihadi training camp - Camp Hudabiya - in the dense jungles of Mindanao in the southern Philippines, and rose to become the head of JI's military training division, known as Mantiki Three. He was close to some of the most notorious militants in the region and brother-in-law of Mukhlas, the mastermind of the 2002 Bali bombings. Those he trained and those he knew went on to operate not just in South East Asia, but in other parts of the world. Abbas makes no secret of what he taught at Camp Hudabiya, which evolved from a clearing in the jungle to become, in his words, a fully-fledged military academy. "It included individual combat training, small arms and weapons training and basic knowledge about explosives," he said. "I train people for war, for battle," he said. "We are killing for defence. We are fighting for our right. And we are not attacking civilians but soldiers."